{UAH} 20 years and beyond – Is it sunset or sunrise for Buganda Kingdom?

20 years and beyond – Is it sunset or sunrise for Buganda Kingdom?

The sun seemed to set on the Kingdom of Buganda when Dr. Obote attacked the Lubiri in 1966 and ripped apart the 1962 Independence Constitution. When he confiscated Buganda's land and assets and abolished Kingdoms in Uganda in 1967, it looked like that was the end of the ancient Kingdom.

In the dark days that followed, it was inconceivable that the Kingdom would ever resurrect. Dr. Obote and his ilk were determined to obliterate its existence and history. To achieve this goal Dr. Obote pursued a republican and communist agenda to demonize the Kingdoms and its supporters. He imposed a long state of emergency in Buganda and detained and harassed anyone known to support the Kabaka. He wickedly turned the Kabaka's palace into an army barracks and the Kingdom's seat in Bulange into his army's headquarters. He callously renamed it "Republic House". The new occupants at Bulange quickly and mercilessly burned all the valuable artifacts and records that they could find. By 1971, when Gen. Idi Amin toppled him, Obote's agenda against Buganda was almost complete and there was a view within the UPC cabal that a good Muganda was a dead one.

So when Gen. Amin overthrew Dr. Obote there was a cause of wild celebration in Buganda. To many, this was a new dawn for the Kingdom. Those celebrating must have missed the fact that Gen. Amin did not include the restoration of Kingdoms in the 18 reasons he gave for ousting Dr. Obote. For his benefit, Gen. Idi Amin used the euphoria to boost his popularity and within no time he, who had personally led the attack of the Lubiri five years ago, mysteriously raised Buganda hopes with the return of Ssekabaka's body for burial at Kasubi. With the stately burial ceremonies out of the way, the Baganda elders were quick to present memoranda asking Gen. Amin to allow the return of Prince Ronald Mutebi to Uganda and to restore his Kingdom. But, as we now know, once Gen. Amin settled in his chair, the restoration of Kingdoms in Buganda or elsewhere was the least of his concerns. And, like Dr. Obote before him, he maintained the military occupation of the Kabaka's Palace at Mengo and Buganda's headquarters – grotesquely turning them into torture and murder chambers.

Buganda's fortunes didn't improve after Amin was overthrown in 1979. This is because the successive regimes of Dr. Obote (in reincarnation) Lutwa, Basilio Okello, Paulo Muwanga, Godfrey Binaisa and Prof. Yusuf Lule had little or no time to ponder the restoration of Kingdoms in Uganda. It was only when armed rebellion started against Dr. Obote that talk of the restoration of Kingdoms took on a more serious turn. Guerrilla groups like Uganda Freedom Movement (UFM) and Federal Democratic Movement of Uganda (FEDEMU) led by Kayiira put the restoration of Buganda Kingdom on top of their struggle. But, unlike the FEDEMU and the UFM, the NRA did not include the restoration of Kingdom's in its ten-point programme. There is talk that an agreement was struck in Kikunyu Makulubita in the Luwero bushes for the restoration of the Kingdom – however this remains unsubstantiated. In fact President Museveni has vehemently denied the existence of such an agreement. However, and as every one knows, Prince Ronald Mutebi, as he was then, was involved in mobilizing people in the war zones in Buganda to support the NRA.

The NRA/NRM won the war of liberation and promised the country a fundamental change in 1986. However it took almost eight years once it captured power to allow the restoration of traditional leadership in Uganda. Even then, it is reported, there was stiff resistance by the army leadership in restoring the Kabakaship. It is said that Gen. Museveni struggled and later prevailed over his Junta to have the Kabakaship grudgingly restored in 1993. At that point, many in Buganda saw the sun rising in the horizon. And when asked for views on the new constitution, Buganda overwhelmingly demanded for the return of the Kingdoms as well as the restoration of a federal system of Government.

However when the new Constitution was promulgated in 1995, Buganda's views on federalism and restoration of the Kingdom, as it existed before the 1966 crisis, were discarded. Instead, the new constitution provided for the existence of the institution of traditional or cultural leaders whose roles and powers were restricted to matters cultural. These leaders were proscribed from exercising any administrative, legislative or executive powers of government or local government. Their survival was left to the mercy of government handouts and the charity of its subjects. In the place of federalism, that the Baganda yearned for, the new constitution offered the districts of Buganda or others the option to co-operate by way of a charter. So, soon after the Constitution was promulgated, there was an outcry in Buganda that what was restored was not the Kingdom envisaged but rather byoya bya nswa!! The Buganda Lukkiko indeed passed a resolution rejecting the new constitution. I am not aware that that resolution has ever been reversed. In 2004/5, when the constitution was to be revised, Buganda had a second bite on the cherry. Its Katikkiro, J M Semwogerere marshaled thousands of Buganda supporters to the Nile Conference Center to tender Buganda's constitutional aspirations. But once again, in spite of the popularity of the views, Buganda's efforts yielded no fruits and the outcome of the revisions was the regional governments law which was initially welcomed but on closer scrutiny was later roundly rejected. So although, a decade after its rebirth, Buganda's sun was out, a dark cloud was preventing it to shine. I believe it is around this time that the affair that the Kingdom had with the NRM and its leadership abated.

In the subsequent decade, instead of the clouds thinning, they became ominously thicker and save for occasional moments when the suns rays cut through, there was generally no sunshine. This is because; the seat of the Kabaka and the Mengo protagonists came under constant threat from the regime that generally branded them as liars, opportunists and political lepers. For example, in 2007 Buganda's demand for federalism and the return of confiscated land and assets was a basis of a fierce tug of war and discord between the central Government and the Kingdom of Buganda. At the height of the animosity surrounding the controversial Land Bill, the Central Government arrested and detained three Kingdom officials including the current Katikkiro for no offence whatsoever. In addition, a nouveau cultural-cum-political club of kings was created in Buruli and Bugerere to challenge the Kabaka authority – leading to the illegal refusal, by the State (read the Army Council) , of the Kabaka's to visit to the counties of Buruli and Bugerere – which resulted in the 2009 riots across the Kingdom, and in which a police station was burnt and over 30 people killed by government agents. This led to the closure of the Buganda Kingdom's radio station CBS. No serious investigation has been done and no public report has ever been issued in this regard. Over 500 people were arrested and detained on charges ranging from assault to terrorism but all were acquitted once the DPP failed to prove the offences. Unfortunately those charged for terrorism spent 3 years in detention for a crime they never committed. Needless to say, no apologies or compensation have been offered by those responsible to those wronged.

Today, the tension between the central Government and the Kingdom of Buganda has somewhat subsided, but there remains a deep mistrust. And as Buganda's nationalism and its resolve to fight for its interests have grown, so has the reluctance or heedlessness on the part of the Government to listen, let alone give in to its demands. Therein is the rub.

The question is how long will this impasse last? And, what does the future hold for Buganda and Uganda? Will there ever be a congruence of minds or a civic resolution in our lifetime?

The answer to these questions lies in the fact that the future of Uganda and Buganda are uniquely, even inextricably, interlinked. It is impossible to see one advance without the other. This is a fact that ought to be apparent to both sides. Yet one does not see a serious and purposeful attempt to have dialogue to resolve the thorny issues. In my view, that dialogue should be had (preferably chaired by a disinterested party) and must be premised on the following:

· A review of the agreements that were reached before Buganda agreed to be a constituent part of Uganda.

· Restitution of the assets and land that were confiscated by Dr. Obote's regime and reparations where applicable.

· Buganda's demands for self-determination and agreement on devolution of power and finances based on principles of federalism and not decentralization.

· Agreement of Buganda's territorial integrity including on the question of the geographical and administrative boundaries of Kampala City.

· The rights and privileges of the Kabaka –including his right to free movement within and outside his Kingdom.

History shows that Uganda is a fragile union hurriedly forged by British before the winds of decolonization swept Africa. Its economic and political stability hinges on a need to find a workable alliance between its constituent parts. Agreement on this point has been elusive in the last fifty years. Past efforts to forcefully impose unity by Dr. Obote and others has had disastrous consequences. Clearly, dictatorship on these issues has neither worked in the past nor will it work in the future.

The issues raised by the Kingdom of Buganda must be seen and addressed, not just from a political purview but also fundamentally, from a constitutional and human rights perspective. We are talking about constitutionally guaranteed rights of the people of Uganda to self determination; to property; to freedom of movement; to freedom of assembly; to freedom of association and to the right to be governed through their will and consent, amongst others. In view of this, the Government has a constitutional duty to ensure that these concerns are addressed in a fair and sincere manner.

Looking beyond its interaction with the central government, Buganda will also need to take a deep look inward and to think on how best it can unlock its full potential in both political and economic terms. I believe Buganda is a sleeping giant that needs to be woken up from its slumber. It needs to convert the love and energy of its peoples into political and economic capital. As Professor M. Mamdani has previously pointed out, Buganda needs to discard the mindset of a victimized minority and assume one of a major actor in both political and economic terms. There needs to be a conscious and active effort by the kingdom to reach out to and engage other Ugandans to address issues of national concern. This will reduce the animosity, resentment and the suspicions often harbored by some groups.

The Kingdom's full emancipation will require not only an innovative exploitation of its vast human and natural resources but also a careful streamlining of its administration to make it more efficient and business like. Besides this, the Kingdom will need to address the many disputes within its clan structures. Clan structures particularly their composition and leadership needs to be strengthened. Intra clan disputes, when combined with attempted breakaways by certain ethnic groups, will threaten the very foundation and future of the Kingdom.

On the whole, it would appear that the new leadership at Mengo is well poised to confront these issues. From where I stand, there is every indication that Buganda's sun is steadily rising and that its best days lie ahead and not behind it. Little wonder that its youth today optimistically believe that ekikutte obudde kinaatera okubuta. The only catch is that Buganda's sun will continue to rise only when Uganda's sun is rising. Unfortunately, as long as the politics at the center runs out of control or is hijacked by the military with no respect for human rights, democratic governance and the rule of law, the dark clouds will remain to obstruct the sunshine.

Apollo Makubuya

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H.OGWAPITI
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