{UAH} Can Uganda achieve a government of national unity?

Uganda under the NRM government led by Museveni since 1986 has increasingly become a deeply divided country politically, ethnically, religiously, economically, socially, regionally and administratively.

The economic and social inequality underpinned by rampant corruption, sectarianism and cronyism has got out of control which has been tolerated by some development partners (bilateral governments and institutions) under the false assumption that Museveni has created stable conditions in Uganda and the Great Lakes region. Museveni has actually created instability!

In Uganda all signs of decadence including a failed state status are everywhere for all to see. But some have turned a blind eye and deaf ear to calls for regime change. Elections have failed to provide an answer and Uganda should not again invest in 2016 elections because NRM will again win through fraud which may lead to increased resentment and possible violence. That Ugandans are docile and can't rebel is a very serious understatement.

Although some diplomatic and political efforts are beginning to bear fruit albeit slowly, some Ugandans are in a hurry and want to use force in the first instance for quicker results without paying much attention to human and material costs in the short, medium and long term. In fact some believe that you can't make an omelet without breaking eggs.

Some Ugandans who are afraid that David Sejjusa who is now in Europe, not as a refugee, but canvassing for support to be the next president of Uganda are pushing for military invasion of Uganda to get to state house first. Whoever endorses Sejjusa (whose military and economic activities are yet to be sorted out) for the next president before his record has been vetted and the outcome announced will have complicated Uganda's politics and democracy. Sejjusa hasn't told us anything new about Museveni regime and yet he has been in the top decision making bodies with Museveni for some three decades.

Also, Uganda frustration with Museveni misrule should not force us to focus on his ouster and we forget to pay sufficient attention to who might replace him besides Sejjusa. This has been a tendency since independence. We focused on ousting the colonial administration and shutting DP out and did not pay much attention about the new leader. Some Ugandans worked hard to get rid of Obote, prevent him from coming back and get rid of him again without considering who would come in and by default ended up with Amin, Lule and Museveni. This time we should pay much more attention about who might replace Museveni which could happen sooner than later given the gravity of political and economic developments in Uganda.

During the struggle to end apartheid in South Africa, some participants and outside commentators didn't see the possibility of the two warring groups ever coming together to end the war and form a government of national unity. But common sense prevailed and the two opposing groups began since 1989 to discuss ending the war and the political system (apartheid) that created it.  And in 1994 general elections were held and a government of national unity was established. If South Africa could do it, so can Uganda. What we need is patriotic, visionary and dedicated leaders to bring it about.

Studies have been conducted and recommendations made on how to achieve power sharing in the short and long term. Plans for power sharing are likely to succeed when:

1.     They are embraced by a core group of moderate political leaders who are genuinely representative of the groups that they purport to lead;

2.     The practices are flexible and allow for equitable distribution of resources;

3.     Arrangements are developed locally and are region specific;

4.     Parties can gradually eliminate the extraordinary measures that some power-sharing arrangements entail and allow a more integrative and liberal form of democracy to emerge.

In the long term unity would be underpinned by:

1.     Granting territorial autonomy;

2.     Adopting proportional representation of groups in administrative appointments;

3.     Implementing a policy of consensual decision making by the executive;

4.     Establishing a proportional electoral system;

5.     Developing a non-ethnic federal structure;

6.     Encouraging cross-ethnic coalitions.

It is important to note that "At its root, however, power sharing involves broad-based access to power structures of all kinds in a society as a means to ensure equitable distribution of resources and opportunities"(Carnage Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict 1997).

UDU has developed a scenario in its National Recovery Plan similar to what is contained in this note. To succeed, however, we shall need participation of all Ugandans (those suspected of having committed crimes will be suspended and investigations conducted on them) with support from development partners and friends of Uganda as was extended to South Africa while it negotiated ending the apartheid regime.

Eric Kashambuzi

Secretary General, UDU  

 

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