SV: {UAH} History repeating itself in NRM feud - Kintu-Musoke

POJIM,

IN OTHER WORDS,IT IS THE TYPE AND KIND OF DEMOCRACY THAT IS

PROBLEMATICAL?!

In my opinion Kintu Musoke is out fishing.

That after a discharge of such a prominent personality like Hon

Mbabazi, conspiracy theorists of all possible and impossible

formats outshine each other in excavating the science and art

of the conflict, I do understand.

But sometimes in life, certain things are just so ordinary.

I am not insightful in the way the NRM conducts its business.

However, as an ordinary outsider on the outside looking at the

outside of the inside ( meaning observing what was / is on public pavillion or street),THE QUESTION WAS / IS NOT WHY OR HOW PRESIDENT MUSEVENI COULD DISCHARGE HIS PRIME MINISTER.

Basing on what acts on public stage, the question was rather HOW COULD NOT PRESIDENT MUSEVENI HAVE MOVED IN AND DISCHARGED HIS PRIME MINISTER IN AN EFFORT TO RESOLVE THE SITUATION GETING OUT OF HAND!!!!!

In his shoes, I would also have acted like President Museveni did.And, it is not personal. 

I believe President Museveni and Hon Mbabazi can and may still continue to work together on many other issues. But, it is Ugandan blowing up the so called conflict

In the case of the late John Kakonge and Obote Kintu Musoke's contrast with that between President Museveni and Mbabazi does not hold.

The one between President Museveni and Hon Mbabazi has nothing 

or very little to do with election of party executives but with what was blowing up in public.

Hon Mbabazi like any other citizen has a right to stand for any office he is legible to. But there are procedures to be followed.

Especially as he is and executive of the party.

The moment public acts like " General teargas", the public acts of those unbearable youths and the Prime Minister taking active part in the member register instead of leaving it to Nina who after all has come of majority age and possibly was contracted in her own person, it was obvious thing had gotten out of control.

There were too much untenable lousy acts going on public for 

the President not to have acted.

For simplisity, I would make just the above situation be the 

object for the presidents move and not the person Mbabazi.

Were there such open acts by Kakonge? And as for Grace Ibingira, were they not tried in court?!?

Noc'l

 

"WE FORM THE CULTURE THAT FORMS US"….noc'la gaumoy.

Den onsdag, 22 oktober 2014 0:42 skrev 'edward pojim' via Ugandans at Heart (UAH) Community <ugandans-at-heart@googlegroups.com>:

Folks;

Is Kintu-Musoke overly aggressive in stretching the similarities between the Museveni/Mbabazi and Obote/Kakonge/Ibingira breakups of half-a-century ago?

In any case, I think his main point here - that party president should appoint other party leaders- is prudent, especially when you consider the example he cites of President Kenyatta and Tom Mboya in Kenya. He should also have added Julius Nyerere and Oscar Kambona in Tanzania, and Robert Mugabe and Edgar Tekere in Zimbabwe.

The common thread in all these cases is either the insecure, intolerant president, or the backstabbing, power-hungry secretary-general who wants to rock the boat from within. Take your pick.

Pojim

Kampala. The ongoing feud between President Museveni and National Resistance Movement secretary general Amama Mbabazi was bound to happen because directly elected party leaders have historically not worked well with directly elected party secretary generals, argues former prime minister Kintu Musoke.

Mr Musoke, who was a member of the Uganda Peoples' Congress (UPC) party led by former president Milton Obote at independence in 1962, says he experienced "firsthand the machinations" between Obote and his secretary generals and came to the conclusion that having a directly elected secretary general is a recipe for disaster.

"When both the party chairman and secretary general are directly elected, the party leader will not have enough control over the party and this will eventually lead to intrigue and conspiracy; at least that is what the experience in Africa, and especially in Uganda, shows," says Mr Musoke. Mr Musoke says what is happening between Mr Museveni and Mr Mbabazi is "an indictment on the whole political structural organisation (of the ruling party)."
He says the party's constitution should be amended to enable the party chairman appoint the secretary general and other party officials.

"This is the lesson UPC learnt from the friction between Obote and his secretary generals in the 1960s," says Mr Musoke. Currently, UPC is the only major political party in Uganda where the party president appoints the secretary general and other party leaders.

"This structure did not work with Obote and (secretary general John) Kakonge; it did not work with Obote and Grace Ibingira; it did not work with (former DP leader Benedicto) Kiwanuka and (Basil) Bataringaya; and it did not work between (former Kenya President Jomo) Kenyatta and (former Kanu secretary general Tom) Mboya," Mr Musoke says. "It was not going to work between Museveni and Mbabazi." This view, however, is regarded as "anti-democratic" by Mr Mwambutsya Ndebesa, a political historian at Makerere University. "This is what exactly happened when Obote took a more autocratic stance in UPC after arresting Ibingira."

Shortly after independence, misunderstandings developed between Obote and secretary general John Kakonge, leading to Kakonge being replaced by Grace Ibingira in 1964.

To ensure that Ibingira won the SG vote against Kakonge, Mr Musoke says, Obote ensured that Busoga, where he could bank on his vice president Wilberforce Nadiope, had many delegates at the Gulu delegates conference of 1964, with Busoga region allowed to send delegates from parish level whereas the other regions sent delegates from sub-county level.

Mr Musoke, who backed Kakonge against Obote, adds that a rift grew between Obote and Ibingira almost immediately after Kakonge was replaced.
Ibingira, according to Mr Musoke, sided with Buganda Kingdom to undermine Obote, prompting Obote to respond with military force, leading to the 1966 attack on the Buganda King's palace and Edward Mutesa II's flight to exile.
Ibingira would spend five years in jail.

So in many ways, the events of the last few months that culminated in the CEC meeting last weekend was history repeating itself, according to Mr Kintu-Musoke.

How it will end, or wherever it will lead is the question on many Ugandan's mind at this point as the country waits for the planned December 15, NRM Delegates Conference.

emukiibi@ug.nationmedia.com

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