{UAH} MUSEVENI'S MILITARISM HAS RENDERED POLITICAL PARTIES IRRELEVANT
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MUSEVENI'S MILITARISM HAS RENDERED POLITICAL PARTIES IRRELEVANT
30 years of military rule
In January 1986 Museveni became President of Uganda after manipulating the then ruling military junta. During his inaugural speech he stated thus: "The problem of Africa in general and Uganda in particular is not the people but leaders who want to overstay in power." He promised to rule fora four years interim period after which a free and fair election would be held for Ugandans to elect a leader of their choice. He adopted a Marxist oriented approach to governance by establishing a no-party democracy. At the end of the four years interim period he extended it for another five years under pretext of making a new constitution for Uganda. Indeed a new constitution came into force in 1995. Among the pillars of the 1995 constitution was Article 105 that placed a two five year term for the President.
In 1996 the first general elections were held but still under his military rule disguised as a no-party democracy. In 2001 another general election was held still under the same military dictatorial environment. Since his constitutional two five years terms were coming to an end, in 2005 he instead bribed members of parliament to amend the constitution by scrapping the constitutional two term limits. He lifted the over a decade old ban on political parties and turned his ruling NRA/M into a political party for which he contested for the presidency. During this first multiparty elections, the role of the military in ensuring that he retains the presidency became an open secret. The role of the military became more open during the 2016 general elections whereby it was responsible for harassment of the opposition, intimidation of voters, ballot stuffing, arrest and shooting of opposition supporters etc. No wonder the courts of law have twice upheld that in both instances, elections were not free and fair.
Entrenchment of military dictatorship
Following the repeat of the same scenarios during the 2011 general elections, the opposition found it a waste of time to resort to courts of law. Instead it spearheaded the masses who took to the streets to express their anger. Such protests were only in the capital, Kampala while the rest of the country was bent on speculating that Museveni was to serve his last term as he prepared to hand over to his son come 2016. It is this speculation that made the likes of his former ally Amama Mbabazi to start mobilising for taking over from Museveni in 2016.
Instead,Museveni has been worming up for seeking another term in 2016. Knowing that Ugandans are tired of his dictatorship thus no easy sail, he resorted to digging trenches in preparation for the tough times ahead. He has completed the personalisation of the army by creating a 10,000 plus strong elite force under the command of his son. He has militarised the Police force by deploying army officers to take command of the force, giving it military training in military camps, and created more security outfits without regard of the constitutional provision. He is involving the military in suppressing political dissent, participation in civilian politics and implementation of government programs. He bribed, manipulated and intimidated his cohorts into endorsing him as their sole candidature. He is buying off MPs and other government officials to popularise his sole candidature. d serving soldiers into the agricultural sector purposely to further the gospel of his sole candidature as he selectively retires more soldiers cardres with the same mission.He has deployeUnder the guise of poverty alleviation, he is traversing the country to popularise his sole candidature while dishing out billions of tax payer'sMONEY
to his cohorts.
The army through the Minister of Internal Affairs who is a military General has been involved in registering and preparation of National IDs which are to form the voter'sREGISTER for the 2016 general elections. The military regime disguised as a political party is so fused with the state that the former uses public resources in financing his life presidency scheme. The introduction of the draconian Public Order Management Act in 2003 which is similar to the UPC's Public Order and Security Act of 1967 was meant to stifle political dissent. He is scheming for a constitutional amendment in respect of Article 102 pertaining to constitutional age limit of 75 years so that he qualifies to rule beyond 75 years age.
He is busy indoctrinating the youth through compulsory attendance of quasi military drills and ideological manipulation under the guise of patriotism. It is now compulsory for all those who complete high school to attend such indoctrination programs before joining institutions of higher learning. Even those already in such institutions are dragged to such indoctrination centers. A serving senior army officer Gen Aronda recently told people in Rukungiri that: "You must support the NRM party and ignore the propaganda from FDC and other opposition empty talks. Its only the NRM that can deliver." His Electoral Commission is bent of delivering another rigged victory for him come 2016. It has released an election road map for a four months campaign period, displayed votersREGISTER, and promised ten billion shillings as facilitation for political parties. The ruling military dictatorship is to pocket over 80% of thisFUNDING. District Commissioners, Chief Administrative Officers, Internal Security Officers, and Police Commanders have been dragged to the indoctrination centers for months of brainstorming on how to go about the 2016 election rigging. Security Officers under the cover of city law enforcement are busy systematically getting rid of the city center of hawkers, vendors, taxi and commercial motor cycle riders in order to suffocate any efforts to peacefully demonstrate. A new bill seeking to regulate NGOs is in offing. It is designed to silence critics and negate the very essence of freedom of association and expression. It is targeting civil society organisations especially those to do with human rights. It stipulates that such organisations shall not engage in any activities which are prejudicial to the interests of Uganda. It imposes heavy fines and long periods of imprisonment.
Opposition parties should transform into a resistance forum
From the above it is clear that the opposition parties have been and continue to play the role of a lame duck that simply accompanies the military dictator to legitimize his hold on power. There is no ruling party in Uganda thus there is no need for opposition parties. The level of oppression meted out on the population by the military dictatorship calls for a mass uprising to bring about political change. Once such change is achieved, political parties can go back to their respective constituencies and participate in democratic elections that are free and fair. The soCALLED opposition parties have the task of mobilising the masses to reclaim constitutional order.
Pushing for electoral reforms is not tenable under the current Museveni military dictatorship. He can even give in to all their demands for electoral reforms that were put forward except reinstatement of term limits but still carries the day through rigging. However, after he will be reelected in 2016, he will reinstate the two term limits. The peanut funding of political parties by the regime is simply a mockery whose timing is designed to divide them. Opposition parties should pick it but donate it as a block to the public. The opposition parties should demand not more than the reinstatement of presidential term limits. Article 3 of the constitution makes it treasonable for anyone to amend the constitution. The same article confers a right and duty to every citizen to resist any such attempt to overthrow, abrogate, amend, and suspend the constitution. Because of bribery and numbers in parliament which has been his main weapon, invoking Article 107 of the constitution is not tenable because it stipulates that the President may be removed from office for misconduct or misbehavior if he/she has conducted hmseld/herself in a manner which brings or is likely to bring the office of President into hatred, ridicule, contempt or disrepute or if he or she has dishonestly done any act or omission which is prejudicial or inimical to the economy or security of Uganda. Such a move would require a notice to the speaker signed by not less than one third of all MPs.
Gen Ssejusa is pushing for this line and is in talks with some opposition parties. He has been shunned by the FDC simply because he has personal issues with Gen Mugisha Muntu who is the FDC President. In the late 80s when Museveni appointed the more junior Mugisha Muntu as the army chief, the likes of seniors like Gen Ssejusa did not like the idea. Many including the late Brig Cheif Ali and even Tinyefuza himself avoided meeting Mugisha Muntu at least not in uniform so that they do not salute him. It is against that background that Gen Ssejusa who was at the time the Minister of State for Defence, went on to command Operation North before Museveni recalled and retired him and ordered Muntu to directly oversee the operation. The subsequent friction between Gen Sejusa and the establishment though justified had such roots. It is unfortunate that the two Generals cant forget and move forwardd but that is how Museveni applies the divide and rule to deal with his percieved political opponents. Bad enough, Museveni is warming up to arrest and curtail Gen Ssejusa's political activities unless the later gets more smarter before its too late. For the opposition political parties to be preoccupied with internal squabbles for leadership positions or joint fielding of candidates, they risk getting more divided. The priority is not democratic electoral reforms, to take part or to boycott the elections but to rally the desperate masses into getting rid of Musevenism and his military dictatorship.
History of mass defiance and uprisings in Uganda
Mass uprisings have happened in the past and can happen again thus:-
- Lamogi rebellion was fought by the natives of present day Amuru district in 1911 against British colonialists.
- Nyangire rebellion was a peaceful defiance turned bloody between the Banyoro and the British colonialists and their Baganda chiefs.
- The Bataka uprising in Buganda of 1949 was the climax of a series of defiant actions against economic inequalities. In 1948 Baganda had made an uprising to push for direct representation in the Lukiko. The role of Ex-servicemen in the uprisings in Buganda cant be underrated. It is such uprisings that gave shape to nationalism that saw the formation of the first political parties and the demand for self rule.
- The nationalistic defiance of Baganda nationalism compelled the colonialists to bring back their King who had been exiled in the UK.
- The 1962 Rwenzururu rebellion for independence and freedom from the yoke of the Tooro Kingdom persisted through the 80s and achieved some of its objectives.
- The 1966 attempted assassination of then President Obote by Baganda nationalists in revenge for the attack on their king by ordinary Baganda led by Dan Kamanyi who is still alive sough the assistance of disgruntled former soldiers in laying the ambush around Port Bell Road in Kampala. Instead its his Vice President Babiiha who was injured but the message was clear. The plotters fled to Kenye from where they killed the spies that Obote had sent to track them.
- The massive uprising by the people northern Uganda who rejected Museveni's rule right from the start has persisted for the last 30 years.
- The 2009 riots by Baganda after Museveni blocked their king from visiting part of his kingdom in Kayunga which Museveni had wanted to curve out of Buganda sent him a clear message. The Mabira forest riots in defence of the environmental concerns and land grabbing was another clear message.
- The FDC led walk-to-work demonstration in Kampala following the 2011 rigged elections was an eye opener to Museveni and he has since then embarked on investing heavily in riot control as part of his life presidency project.
- The 2014 massive daylight simulitenous and coordinated attack by poorly armed locals on police and military installations in the Rwenzori region was the most worrying for Museveni. It was an open expression of anger by sections of Ugandan masses.
- The most recent yelling and stripping naked hundreds of old women in Amuru before Internal Affairs and Lands Ministers in protest against the regime's attempts to grab their land is a classic example of a peaceful but determined defiance against a military dictatorship that can bring about immediate positive results.
Conclusion
Should the opposition party leaders fail to provide the much craved for leadership to the masses of Uganda in order for them to reclaim their country from Museveni's military dictatorship, history will judge them harshly. The bold and brave attack on Police and army installations by the locals in Rwenzori region that left hundreds dead is one such example of how desperate the masses are in craving for change. Should the masses fail to reclaim their country, we shall see total submission to Museveni's dictatorship and entrenchment of Musevenism for the next decades that will be a burden to our children and grandchildren while being misinterpreted as peace and stability.
INFORMATION IS POWER
In January 1986 Museveni became President of Uganda after manipulating the then ruling military junta. During his inaugural speech he stated thus: "The problem of Africa in general and Uganda in particular is not the people but leaders who want to overstay in power." He promised to rule fora four years interim period after which a free and fair election would be held for Ugandans to elect a leader of their choice. He adopted a Marxist oriented approach to governance by establishing a no-party democracy. At the end of the four years interim period he extended it for another five years under pretext of making a new constitution for Uganda. Indeed a new constitution came into force in 1995. Among the pillars of the 1995 constitution was Article 105 that placed a two five year term for the President.
In 1996 the first general elections were held but still under his military rule disguised as a no-party democracy. In 2001 another general election was held still under the same military dictatorial environment. Since his constitutional two five years terms were coming to an end, in 2005 he instead bribed members of parliament to amend the constitution by scrapping the constitutional two term limits. He lifted the over a decade old ban on political parties and turned his ruling NRA/M into a political party for which he contested for the presidency. During this first multiparty elections, the role of the military in ensuring that he retains the presidency became an open secret. The role of the military became more open during the 2016 general elections whereby it was responsible for harassment of the opposition, intimidation of voters, ballot stuffing, arrest and shooting of opposition supporters etc. No wonder the courts of law have twice upheld that in both instances, elections were not free and fair.
Entrenchment of military dictatorship
Following the repeat of the same scenarios during the 2011 general elections, the opposition found it a waste of time to resort to courts of law. Instead it spearheaded the masses who took to the streets to express their anger. Such protests were only in the capital, Kampala while the rest of the country was bent on speculating that Museveni was to serve his last term as he prepared to hand over to his son come 2016. It is this speculation that made the likes of his former ally Amama Mbabazi to start mobilising for taking over from Museveni in 2016.
Instead,Museveni has been worming up for seeking another term in 2016. Knowing that Ugandans are tired of his dictatorship thus no easy sail, he resorted to digging trenches in preparation for the tough times ahead. He has completed the personalisation of the army by creating a 10,000 plus strong elite force under the command of his son. He has militarised the Police force by deploying army officers to take command of the force, giving it military training in military camps, and created more security outfits without regard of the constitutional provision. He is involving the military in suppressing political dissent, participation in civilian politics and implementation of government programs. He bribed, manipulated and intimidated his cohorts into endorsing him as their sole candidature. He is buying off MPs and other government officials to popularise his sole candidature. d serving soldiers into the agricultural sector purposely to further the gospel of his sole candidature as he selectively retires more soldiers cardres with the same mission.He has deployeUnder the guise of poverty alleviation, he is traversing the country to popularise his sole candidature while dishing out billions of tax payer'sMONEY
to his cohorts.The army through the Minister of Internal Affairs who is a military General has been involved in registering and preparation of National IDs which are to form the voter'sREGISTER
for the 2016 general elections. The military regime disguised as a political party is so fused with the state that the former uses public resources in financing his life presidency scheme. The introduction of the draconian Public Order Management Act in 2003 which is similar to the UPC's Public Order and Security Act of 1967 was meant to stifle political dissent. He is scheming for a constitutional amendment in respect of Article 102 pertaining to constitutional age limit of 75 years so that he qualifies to rule beyond 75 years age.He is busy indoctrinating the youth through compulsory attendance of quasi military drills and ideological manipulation under the guise of patriotism. It is now compulsory for all those who complete high school to attend such indoctrination programs before joining institutions of higher learning. Even those already in such institutions are dragged to such indoctrination centers. A serving senior army officer Gen Aronda recently told people in Rukungiri that: "You must support the NRM party and ignore the propaganda from FDC and other opposition empty talks. Its only the NRM that can deliver." His Electoral Commission is bent of delivering another rigged victory for him come 2016. It has released an election road map for a four months campaign period, displayed votersREGISTER
, and promised ten billion shillings as facilitation for political parties. The ruling military dictatorship is to pocket over 80% of thisFUNDING. District Commissioners, Chief Administrative Officers, Internal Security Officers, and Police Commanders have been dragged to the indoctrination centers for months of brainstorming on how to go about the 2016 election rigging. Security Officers under the cover of city law enforcement are busy systematically getting rid of the city center of hawkers, vendors, taxi and commercial motor cycle riders in order to suffocate any efforts to peacefully demonstrate. A new bill seeking to regulate NGOs is in offing. It is designed to silence critics and negate the very essence of freedom of association and expression. It is targeting civil society organisations especially those to do with human rights. It stipulates that such organisations shall not engage in any activities which are prejudicial to the interests of Uganda. It imposes heavy fines and long periods of imprisonment.Opposition parties should transform into a resistance forum
From the above it is clear that the opposition parties have been and continue to play the role of a lame duck that simply accompanies the military dictator to legitimize his hold on power. There is no ruling party in Uganda thus there is no need for opposition parties. The level of oppression meted out on the population by the military dictatorship calls for a mass uprising to bring about political change. Once such change is achieved, political parties can go back to their respective constituencies and participate in democratic elections that are free and fair. The soCALLED
opposition parties have the task of mobilising the masses to reclaim constitutional order.Pushing for electoral reforms is not tenable under the current Museveni military dictatorship. He can even give in to all their demands for electoral reforms that were put forward except reinstatement of term limits but still carries the day through rigging. However, after he will be reelected in 2016, he will reinstate the two term limits. The peanut funding of political parties by the regime is simply a mockery whose timing is designed to divide them. Opposition parties should pick it but donate it as a block to the public. The opposition parties should demand not more than the reinstatement of presidential term limits. Article 3 of the constitution makes it treasonable for anyone to amend the constitution. The same article confers a right and duty to every citizen to resist any such attempt to overthrow, abrogate, amend, and suspend the constitution. Because of bribery and numbers in parliament which has been his main weapon, invoking Article 107 of the constitution is not tenable because it stipulates that the President may be removed from office for misconduct or misbehavior if he/she has conducted hmseld/herself in a manner which brings or is likely to bring the office of President into hatred, ridicule, contempt or disrepute or if he or she has dishonestly done any act or omission which is prejudicial or inimical to the economy or security of Uganda. Such a move would require a notice to the speaker signed by not less than one third of all MPs.
Gen Ssejusa is pushing for this line and is in talks with some opposition parties. He has been shunned by the FDC simply because he has personal issues with Gen Mugisha Muntu who is the FDC President. In the late 80s when Museveni appointed the more junior Mugisha Muntu as the army chief, the likes of seniors like Gen Ssejusa did not like the idea. Many including the late Brig Cheif Ali and even Tinyefuza himself avoided meeting Mugisha Muntu at least not in uniform so that they do not salute him. It is against that background that Gen Ssejusa who was at the time the Minister of State for Defence, went on to command Operation North before Museveni recalled and retired him and ordered Muntu to directly oversee the operation. The subsequent friction between Gen Sejusa and the establishment though justified had such roots. It is unfortunate that the two Generals cant forget and move forwardd but that is how Museveni applies the divide and rule to deal with his percieved political opponents. Bad enough, Museveni is warming up to arrest and curtail Gen Ssejusa's political activities unless the later gets more smarter before its too late. For the opposition political parties to be preoccupied with internal squabbles for leadership positions or joint fielding of candidates, they risk getting more divided. The priority is not democratic electoral reforms, to take part or to boycott the elections but to rally the desperate masses into getting rid of Musevenism and his military dictatorship.
History of mass defiance and uprisings in Uganda
Mass uprisings have happened in the past and can happen again thus:-
- Lamogi rebellion was fought by the natives of present day Amuru district in 1911 against British colonialists.
- Nyangire rebellion was a peaceful defiance turned bloody between the Banyoro and the British colonialists and their Baganda chiefs.
- The Bataka uprising in Buganda of 1949 was the climax of a series of defiant actions against economic inequalities. In 1948 Baganda had made an uprising to push for direct representation in the Lukiko. The role of Ex-servicemen in the uprisings in Buganda cant be underrated. It is such uprisings that gave shape to nationalism that saw the formation of the first political parties and the demand for self rule.
- The nationalistic defiance of Baganda nationalism compelled the colonialists to bring back their King who had been exiled in the UK.
- The 1962 Rwenzururu rebellion for independence and freedom from the yoke of the Tooro Kingdom persisted through the 80s and achieved some of its objectives.
- The 1966 attempted assassination of then President Obote by Baganda nationalists in revenge for the attack on their king by ordinary Baganda led by Dan Kamanyi who is still alive sough the assistance of disgruntled former soldiers in laying the ambush around Port Bell Road in Kampala. Instead its his Vice President Babiiha who was injured but the message was clear. The plotters fled to Kenye from where they killed the spies that Obote had sent to track them.
- The massive uprising by the people northern Uganda who rejected Museveni's rule right from the start has persisted for the last 30 years.
- The 2009 riots by Baganda after Museveni blocked their king from visiting part of his kingdom in Kayunga which Museveni had wanted to curve out of Buganda sent him a clear message. The Mabira forest riots in defence of the environmental concerns and land grabbing was another clear message.
- The FDC led walk-to-work demonstration in Kampala following the 2011 rigged elections was an eye opener to Museveni and he has since then embarked on investing heavily in riot control as part of his life presidency project.
- The 2014 massive daylight simulitenous and coordinated attack by poorly armed locals on police and military installations in the Rwenzori region was the most worrying for Museveni. It was an open expression of anger by sections of Ugandan masses.
- The most recent yelling and stripping naked hundreds of old women in Amuru before Internal Affairs and Lands Ministers in protest against the regime's attempts to grab their land is a classic example of a peaceful but determined defiance against a military dictatorship that can bring about immediate positive results.
Conclusion
Should the opposition party leaders fail to provide the much craved for leadership to the masses of Uganda in order for them to reclaim their country from Museveni's military dictatorship, history will judge them harshly. The bold and brave attack on Police and army installations by the locals in Rwenzori region that left hundreds dead is one such example of how desperate the masses are in craving for change. Should the masses fail to reclaim their country, we shall see total submission to Museveni's dictatorship and entrenchment of Musevenism for the next decades that will be a burden to our children and grandchildren while being misinterpreted as peace and stability.
INFORMATION IS POWER
Posted by Uganda - A Change of Guards! a
Viele GruBe
Robukui
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