{UAH} TANZANIA ELECTIONS - LESSONS FOR UGANDA'S OPPOSITION
TANZANIA ELECTIONS - LESSONS FOR UGANDA'S OPPOSITION
Since independence in 1961, Tanzania has had four President; all of whom have democratically come to and left power peacefully. After uniting with Zanzibar in 1964 to form Tanzania, Tanganyika's ruling TANU later merged with Zanzibar's Afro-Shiraz to form CCM which has been in power since then. Tanzania's first President served for 23 years and was democratically succeeded by Ali Hasan Mwinyi. After serving his constitutional two five year terms of office, he was democratically replaced by Benjamin Mkapa. The outgoing president Jakaya Kikwete democraticay replaced Mkapa after two five year terms. Jakaya Kikwete will next week complete his two five year terms and peacefully hand over power to the president elect John Pombe Magufuli who has just won the Presidency on the CCM ticket.
Since the introduction of multiparty democracy in the early 1990s, Tanzania's opposition parties have been losing to the ruling CCM. The governing 1977 national constitution stipulate among other shortfalls that once the Electoral Commission has declared aWINNER
in a presidential election, it can't be contested in any any way. In the recent past the country has been involved in the process of making a new constitution. The Constituent Assembly debated the draft constitution but the process could not be completed ahead of the just concluded general elections. However, during the Constituent Assembly debates, the major opposition parties came up with a loose pressure group dubbed Unity for the People's Constitution (UKAWA). It is this UKAWA that major opposition parties adopted as their opposition alliace for joint candidature during the just concluded general elections
The rulling CCM selected Works Minister John Pombe Magufuli as its flag bearer. Former Prime Minister Edward Lowasa after losing the bid for the CCM flag bearership opted to leave the party and join the opposition CHADEMA. Under CHADEMA, Lowasa was selected as the joint flagbearer under UKAWA. Consequently, leaders of the major opposition parties like Prof. Ibrahim Lipumba of CUF and Dr. Wilbroad Slaa of CHADEMA protested the choice of Edward Lowasa. From CCM, Lowasa was followed by among others, former Prime Minister Sumaye and reknown aging CCM cadre and ideologist, Mzee Kingunge Ngombale Mwiru who by comparison would equate NRM's ideologist Kajabago Karusoke.
Campaigns were conducted in a peaceful atmosphere with aspirants traversing the country without any hindrance, accorded equal opportunities and with almost no single incident of any kind of violence. During the campaigns, it was difficult to tell who of the two leading candidates (Lowasa and Magufuli) had bigger crowds. CCM's greatest asset was its choice of Magufuli. As Minister of Works, he isREPUTED
for being an excellent performer with a corruption free record. He campaigned on the premiss of 'Real Change' and spared no effort in criticising poor service delivery by government. UKAWA campaigned on the premiss of 'CHANGE' claiming that CCM's overstay in power was responsible for the country's underdevelopment. UKAWA's campaign slogan of "People's Power" aimed at mobilizing the masses for street protests in the event that it would be unfairly denied victory. The government did not take this threat lightly and consequently put in place a heavy police deployment throughout the country. The police was harmless but very watchful throughout the election giving rise to a violent free polling period. No one was injured, kidnapped, detained, killed or curtailed from his freedom of choosing a candidate of his choice. Police raided the tally center that had been set up by UKAWA and their equipments confiscated.
At the close of the polls, the Electoral Commission declared CCM's John Pombe Magufuli theWINNER
of the Presidential race with Eight million votes (58%) against UKAWA's Edward Lowasa who got Six million votes (39%) leaving the smaller parties to share less than one percent. UKAWA cried foul and refused to concede defeat but has not put in practice the earlier threat of "people's power". As a tradition, Tanzanians are looking forwardk to John Pombe Magufuli as their new President as they strive to resolve any differences that could have arisen out of the electoral process.
LESSONS
Since Museveni came to power in 1986, Tanzania has democratically had three Presidents each serving ten years. The incoming President John Magufuli was 27 years old when Museveni came to power. UKAWA's earlier call for 'People's Power' could not appeal to Tanzanians because unlike other regional leaders, their leaders respect the term limits and give way to new leaders.
UKAWA has an obligation to accept the outcome of the elections because it willingly went into the electoral process under the old constitutional arrangement. The opposition in Uganda has been pushing for electoral reforms and some sections had even threatened 'No Reform, No Elections'. The regime is not ready to give in to meaningful electoral reforms and recent events suggest that the opposition is set to take part in the forthcoming elections. They are banking on the false belief that an opposition alliance can dislodge the military dictator through polls. Unfortunately for Museveni what matters is securing and consolidating the backing of the security forces whose violent actions will deliver his victory.
In a free and fair electoral process, with or without an opposition alliance anyone can defeat Museveni at the polls. Tanzania's situation is different from that of Uganda. Tanzanians sought to replace leadership and they did but Ugandans are craving for a liberation from 30 years of military dictatorship. For Uganda's case, much as the opposition alliance is healthy for purposes of galvanising support in terms of numbers and more so securing diplomatic backup, there is need for contingency plans in form of 'Plan B'
Therefore, if the Besigye/Mbabazi alliance can focus on more liberation instead of electioneering, the dictatorship can be dislodged; sort of that they should be prepared to either accept the Museveni victory come February 2016 or the usual foul cry.
God bless Tanzania.
INFORMATION IS POWER
Since the introduction of multiparty democracy in the early 1990s, Tanzania's opposition parties have been losing to the ruling CCM. The governing 1977 national constitution stipulate among other shortfalls that once the Electoral Commission has declared aWINNER
The rulling CCM selected Works Minister John Pombe Magufuli as its flag bearer. Former Prime Minister Edward Lowasa after losing the bid for the CCM flag bearership opted to leave the party and join the opposition CHADEMA. Under CHADEMA, Lowasa was selected as the joint flagbearer under UKAWA. Consequently, leaders of the major opposition parties like Prof. Ibrahim Lipumba of CUF and Dr. Wilbroad Slaa of CHADEMA protested the choice of Edward Lowasa. From CCM, Lowasa was followed by among others, former Prime Minister Sumaye and reknown aging CCM cadre and ideologist, Mzee Kingunge Ngombale Mwiru who by comparison would equate NRM's ideologist Kajabago Karusoke.
Campaigns were conducted in a peaceful atmosphere with aspirants traversing the country without any hindrance, accorded equal opportunities and with almost no single incident of any kind of violence. During the campaigns, it was difficult to tell who of the two leading candidates (Lowasa and Magufuli) had bigger crowds. CCM's greatest asset was its choice of Magufuli. As Minister of Works, he isREPUTED
At the close of the polls, the Electoral Commission declared CCM's John Pombe Magufuli theWINNER
LESSONS
Since Museveni came to power in 1986, Tanzania has democratically had three Presidents each serving ten years. The incoming President John Magufuli was 27 years old when Museveni came to power. UKAWA's earlier call for 'People's Power' could not appeal to Tanzanians because unlike other regional leaders, their leaders respect the term limits and give way to new leaders.
UKAWA has an obligation to accept the outcome of the elections because it willingly went into the electoral process under the old constitutional arrangement. The opposition in Uganda has been pushing for electoral reforms and some sections had even threatened 'No Reform, No Elections'. The regime is not ready to give in to meaningful electoral reforms and recent events suggest that the opposition is set to take part in the forthcoming elections. They are banking on the false belief that an opposition alliance can dislodge the military dictator through polls. Unfortunately for Museveni what matters is securing and consolidating the backing of the security forces whose violent actions will deliver his victory.
In a free and fair electoral process, with or without an opposition alliance anyone can defeat Museveni at the polls. Tanzania's situation is different from that of Uganda. Tanzanians sought to replace leadership and they did but Ugandans are craving for a liberation from 30 years of military dictatorship. For Uganda's case, much as the opposition alliance is healthy for purposes of galvanising support in terms of numbers and more so securing diplomatic backup, there is need for contingency plans in form of 'Plan B'
Therefore, if the Besigye/Mbabazi alliance can focus on more liberation instead of electioneering, the dictatorship can be dislodged; sort of that they should be prepared to either accept the Museveni victory come February 2016 or the usual foul cry.
God bless Tanzania.
INFORMATION IS POWER
Posted by Uganda - A Change of Guards! a
Viele GruBe
Robukui
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