{UAH} I HAVE DECIDED TO SEND EDWARD POJIM A LOVE E-MAIL TONIGHT

Mukulu Munange era Sseruganda Pojim Nkulamusizza nnyo nyini ddala !!!!                      -> {An Iddi Amin phrase}

 

In using our very long friendship I have decided to remind you what is coming down the pipe. All cards are already on the table in preparation to make Americans achieve their dream, a Conservative judicial system. What we are waiting for is the president of the people using his good office , with his very good hands, and nominate the American he wants to be the next judge on the bench. A vote is going to be held on the floor before, and I repeat my self for clarification, Before, the November third election. After that vote we are going to line up several cases of major importance, ObamaCare, {Yayix that sounds sweet}, Abortion, Right to bear arms, LGBT,  Freedom of speech and everything else that Americans wanted to clean up that you twerps have down loaded to society way too long. Republicans have struggled with courts built on laws dropped out of heaven too long, and in that struggle they have been promised that one day a Trump will show up on stage and appoint judges to interpreted the laws as the constitution states than how God spend the night. If you are a politician out there I caution you not to oppose this appointment for that will be your death pill in America politics. The days to election are very few so this hearing is going to be short, swift, lovely and thanks to the pandemic only on line.

 

The single damage Barrack Obama made in the eight years was to spend it pandering to the French with the Paris Accord, when neglect the appointment of judges. To fill you in, the time you have spent torching Donald J Trump on CNN, he has used it so well apparently, for as of September the 10^th the president of the people has confirmed 208 article 3 judges, 2 Supreme court judges, 53 Judges of the United States court of appeals, 151 judges for United States district courts, and two judges of the United States Court of international trade. That qualifies as a legacy for not a single American president has ever nominated such many judges, a nomination to control all levels of courts for the next at minimum 75 years. I strongly believe that if my intuition is right, the president is going to appoint a judge that is young, and the age I have in my mind is 39 years only, that puts her on the bench for the next at minimum 65 years, and that will give a chance to Baron Trump to grow up, become an American president and appoint the firkin replacement. The rest of us as pundits believe that the president should not bother with the second term, he should go back to his business, you can take the White House, torch the cities all you want, but every crap brought to the courts is going to be sentenced to 100 years for the next 75 years. We believe as well that Mitch McConnell should retire, sit on a beach and smoke a firkin cigar for a job well done. Given my age I am not going to see another battle to change American courts for Donald J The Trump has closed it for life.  Thank you for turning CNN into a weapon of massive destruction of the Democrats,  for with in its noise, you missed the firkin ball.

 

Stay out of the courts as we clean up the generational mess you have created, make the noise and rest in peace my dear friend.

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If Trump appoints a third justice, the Supreme Court would be the most conservative it's been since 1950

Michael A. Bailey, The Washington Post

Published 10:27 am PDT, Tuesday, September 22, 2020

 

The death of Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg gives President Donald Trump an opportunity to shift the ideological tenor of the court. If the Senate were to confirm a Trump nominee, the court would become more conservative than it has been since 1950 -- both more conservative than previous courts, and potentially as far away ideologically from the elected branches of government as it has been in a long time.

So just how conservative could the court become?

 

Here's how I did my research

I created a statistical model to estimate the ideological views of justices, presidents and members of Congress. For justices, I used information from their votes on cases and opinions, which tell us how their ideologies compare to those of the other justices. Their opinions on previous cases reveal how their ideological positions compared to those of members of the previous courts that decided those earlier cases.

For members of Congress, I used their floor roll call votes to estimate how each one's ideology compares to the ideologies of his or her colleagues. I also used the positions members of Congress take on Supreme Court cases to compare their ideologies to those of the justices. I estimated those positions based on statements they made in amicus briefs, on the floor of Congress and, increasingly, on Twitter.

Similarly, I estimated presidents' ideological positions as compared to those taken by both the court and Congress from their public positions on congressional roll call votes and statements and amicus filings on court cases.

Using these measures, I could compare the ideological tenor of each branch of the federal government with that of its counterparts from 1950 to the present.

Presidential ideologies tend to stake out either the liberal or the conservative extreme. I estimated House and Senate ideologies as the positions of the median member. Those bodies' ideologies are generally closer to the middle, shifting when a different party controls the chamber.

I measured the Supreme Court's ideology with the court's ideological median at any given time. While very liberal during the Warren Court from 1953 to 1969, the court median has hovered on the center right since the mid-1970s, except for a brief liberal interlude after Justice Antonin Scalia's death in February 2016 until Justice Neil Gorsuch filled that seat in early 2017.

 

A third Trump nominee would make the court more conservative

The expected court median that would result if, as expected, Trump's eventual nominee is confirmed to the court would be substantially more conservative than it is today, creating the most conservative court since 1950.

 

The court could also be further ideologically from the other branches than it has been before

The court could be more conservative than the elected branches to a degree not seen in 70 years. Given the high probability that Democrats will retain control of the House, the expected court median is likely to be vastly more conservative than the House median.

The expected court median would also be to the right of the current Senate. If the Democrats were to win control, the Senate median would shift at least to -0.29 (the estimated ideological position of Sen. Doug Jones, D-Ala.) and possibly even further in a liberal direction.

And, of course, if Democratic candidate Joe Biden wins the presidential election, the presidency's ideological leanings would shift dramatically toward the liberal end. I traced Biden's expected ideology as president using his estimated ideology as a senator in 2008, before he became vice president.

If Democrats win the presidency, the House and the Senate, the gap between the court median and these elected branches would be the largest since 1950, potentially setting up bruising battles over court expansion and other means by which the political branches may seek to offset court power.

 

5-to-4 decisions could become less likely

When conservatives have only a bare majority on the court, as they currently do, the liberal side can win by pulling only one conservative justice to their side. That happened in June Medical Services v. Russo, when Chief Justice John Roberts sided with the liberals in a case about a restrictive Louisiana abortion law, writing that he did so out of respect for court precedent. But if there are six conservative justices, liberals would have to win over two justices to prevail, a more remote possibility.

There would be a large gap in the ideological middle of the court if Trump's appointee had an ideology between Gorsuch and Samuel Alito, the second-most-conservative justice (Clarence Thomas is the furthest to the right). That gap would make it less likely that liberals could find a five-vote majority on a case contested between left and right, reinforcing the likelihood that the court will rule in a conservative direction.

These potential shifts in the court from Trump's third nominee would give the country a historically conservative court to grapple with such hotly contested issues as abortion, elections, labor law, health care, government regulation, the environment and more. If the Democrats were to gain control of the Senate and White House in the November elections, such a court would regularly clash with the other branches of government. The outcome of those battles may set policy for many years to come.

 

Bailey is a professor at Georgetown University, where he directs the McCourt School's Massive Data Institute and its Data Science for Public Policy program. For other analysis and commentary from The Monkey Cage, an independent blog anchored by political scientists from universities around the country, see www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/monkey-cage.

EM         -> { Trump for 2020 }

On the 49^th Parallel          

                 Thé Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja and Dr. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda is in anarchy"
                    Kuungana Mulindwa Mawasiliano Kikundi
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