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{UAH} WHY UNLIKE SUDAN, MUSEVENI’S SFC AND UPDF WONT CLASH IN COMBAT

Written by CHANGE OF GUARDS 

A fierce fighting is taking place in the Sudanese capital of Khartoum between the national army, the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF), and the paramilitary force, the Rapid Support Force (RSF), for control of the government. In 2003, black African clansmen in Sudan's Darfur region formed an armed rebel movement. The government responded with brutal military force and mobilised an Arab tribal militia at the Chad-Sudan border, whose fighters became known as the Janjaweed. A primary school dropout and rich businessman, Mohammad Hamdan Dagalo alias Hemedti, from the same Arab tribe, played a key role in helping the government contain the conflict. He mobilised his clansmen to join the tribal militia, the Border Guards, to fight alongside government forces in Darfur, and he became their leader. In 2013, the tribal militia transformed into a Rapid Support Force (RSF) and continued to assist the army fight rebels in Darfur. The following year, the government recognised the RSF as a paramilitary force and an integral part of the regular force. Gen. Hemedti became a close political ally of former President Bashir.

When protests broke out in 2019, his RSF was on hand for the brutal suppression of the army. However, he became the first high-ranking government official to express support for the protests. He switched sides, joining the forces that pushed Gen. Bashir out of power. He became Vice President of Sudan's ruling Transitional Military Council (TMC). In October 2021, a coup saw the birth of the Sovereign Council, for which he was appointed the country's Vice President. Around December 2022, the SC set out a framework for returning power to civilians. As part of the preparations, the 100,000-strong RSF was to be integrated into the national army SAF which supports the transaction. However, Gen. Hemedti and his RSF wanted the process delayed for ten years. A wave of suspicion and mistrust prevented discussions. There is no doubt, therefore, that the ongoing fighting broke out between the SAF and the RSF.

In Uganda, since independence, there has never been any peaceful transfer of power from one government or head of state to another. Governments have always changed through bloody military takeovers. However, in the last 36 years, Museveni averted several military coup attempts. This is because his personal role in previous military takeovers provided him with the skills to manipulate ethnic and tribal dynamics. He has always adopted a system of 'use, abuse, and dump,' whereby he raises auxiliary forces when needed and dumps them immediately, hence the threat is out of place. During the two decades of insurgency in northern and eastern Uganda, different tribal militia groups were formed, used, and later dumped. The Arrow Boys in Teso were founded in 2003 by Mike Mukula, Musa Ecweru, and other Teso leaders. The Amuka Boys in Lango were founded in 2004 by Col. Charles Engola. The two groups successfully helped the army contain the insurgency, after which some of the personnel found their way into the national army. In other parts of the country, Local Defence Units (LDU) have been used to supplement the army and police. Equally, the police have been recruiting Special Police Constables (SPCs) to handle special operations and occasions like general elections. During the 2016 general elections, the police chief, Gen. Kalekyezi, claimed to have recruited 1.5 million crime preventers. After completing the specific task, the regime disbands the groups, but most importantly, it ensures that their founders are no longer linked to them. Even the Reserve Force is nonexistent, but it has its own commander, Gen. Otema Awany.

However, there is one group of militias he has developed for the past 40 years and cannot be disbanded. During his sectarian Bush War, he created a tribal group of fighters that ensured his personal security and called it the High Command Unit. When he took power, this unit was expanded and renamed the Presidential Protection Unit (PPU). With their own welfare system, PPU personnel earn more money than the rest of the army. The extra pay was called Mama in honour of Museveni's wife. It later evolved into the Presidential Guard Brigade (PGB). Its autonomy became more visible when army headquarters could not deploy or transfer personnel. Museveni's son, who was still a civilian, embarked on clandestine recruitment into the PGB. Museveni defended his actions by claiming that his son was a member of the Local Defence Unit (LDU). Next, he attended his graduation ceremony at Sandhurst in the UK as an officer cadet.

Since then, the PGB has evolved into a Special Forces Group and is now a Special Forces Command (SFC). His son, whom he has raised through rapid promotions and exposures, always operated around the SFC. It's now at the level of an army division and has taken over strategic units like the Artillery and Air Defence (AAD), the Mechanised Air Force, Marines, etc. It's visibly managed independently of the army with its own flag, emblem, staff and command structure, salary and remuneration structure, and highly improved welfare infrastructure. It controls all strategic government facilities and militarily advantageous geographical locations. To ensure total loyalty to Museveni's family rule, SFC service is 98 percent exclusively for a certain ethnic group. To ensure total loyalty, it has become an incubator for personnels who take up staff and command positions in the regular army. Therefore, because the so-called national army, the UPDF, is just a shell of the SFC, the two entities will never clash.



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Allaah gives the best to those who leave the choice to Him."And if Allah touches you with harm, none can remove it but He, and if He touches you with good, then He is Able to do all things." (6:17)

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