{UAH} SOUTH SUDAN IS RETURNING TO WAR

Friends

 

You see these are some pieces that make some of us sleep at night with a comfort we deserve, many years ago I sat in Ugandanet and I forced myself to beat off so many degree holders that preached how the Sudan problem was Khartoum, I totally disagreed, when Barrack Obama walked in, he handed those arguments a false hope to hold on, it was a hope that by separating from Khartoum and creating a false country, the fight in Sudan will end. WBK, remember that name? He used to remind us that they are fighting for the Northern Sudanese are actually Arabs, these people are blacks and they don’t fit into the country, if they only get their own country, Sudan will be a peaceful country. I told him that his argument was childish and un informed. South Sudan was created and half the population has been decimated.

 

Do you realize how they disappear? They make stupid arguments then they hide under the rock.

 

The only time there was peace in South Sudan was actually under Trump’s presidency, and it was after Nikki Haley went and visited the country, as a UN ambassador, she looked into their eyes, and told them the truth. I am going to fly out of here to New York, if I land into New York when both of you are still fighting each other, I am going to instruct the ships off shore to carpet bomb your entire country. Bye !!!!!  From her departure to when Trump left office, not a single bullet was fired into Southern Sudan. When Democrats came to office, the war of Ukraine opened up, and United Kingdom, Iran and France started to ferry in weapons, at this point we simply have no idea who owns what weapons these days. What is happening in South Sudan is a very sad story. Do you realize how Barrack Obama is no longer speaking about a country he created with his own hands?

 

Watch Uganda it is going to go way worse than South Sudan.

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South Sudan Is Returning to War

Recent fighting and the arrest of opposition leaders has put a spotlight on the country’s worsening interethnic tensions—and the fragility of its 2018 peace agreement.

By Clémence Pinaud, an associate professor at Indiana University’s department of international studies and the author of War and Genocide in South Sudan.

A middle-aged man in a tunic sits on a colorful woven carpet inside a tent with white walls that are brightly lit with light from outside. Past him, a woman in a blue-and-purple dress and matching headscarf walks by on bare feet, holding a bowl in her hands.Sudanese refugees are seen inside a tent at the Gorom refugee settlement on the outskirts of Juba, South Sudan, on Feb. 27. Wang Guansen/Xinhua via Getty Images

April 1, 2025, 12:01 PM View Comments (0)

South Sudan has once again returned to the brink of war, the United Nations warned on March 24. The country had made international headlines earlier in March after members of an ethnic militia attacked a U.N. helicopter in Nasir, a town rocked by fighting between the South Sudanese national army and a local rebel militia called the White Army. The U.N. peacekeeping mission was trying to evacuate a government army general and his soldiers when members of the White Army—largely from the Nuer ethnic group—shot at them, killing 28 people, including a U.N. crew member.

The South Sudanese government, headed by President Salva Kiir, blamed the attack on Juba’s main opposition party, led by Vice President Riek Machar, and arrested its leadership—including Machar himself—either detaining them or placing them under house arrest.

The event put a spotlight on South Sudan’s worsening interethnic tensions as well as the fragility of the 2018 peace agreement that mapped out a system of shared governance between Kiir’s government—which is largely aligned with the Dinka, the largest ethnic minority in a country of more than 60 ethnic groups—and Machar’s opposition group, the Sudan People’s Liberation Army-In Opposition (SPLA-IO), the leadership of which largely hails from the Nuer community, the country’s second-largest ethnic minority.

But make no mistake: War never stopped in South Sudan, and the peace agreement was already under threat. Though the recent fighting flared up in the country’s oil-rich Upper Nile region, government military troops have also geared up their attacks on the SPLA-IO in other regions.

In January, displaced people fleeing the state of Western Equatoria reported that government forces had attacked opposition troops there. A month later, they targeted the governor of the SPLA-IO-held state, forcing him into hiding. In February, locals also accused government forces of attacking opposition troops in Bahr el-Ghazal. Kiir’s government has also arrested opposition figures in recent months and been accused of supporting the targeting of non-Dinka communities in both states—violating the power-sharing terms of the peace agreement and leading to renewed fears of broader ethnic violence.

Most recently, in the lead-up to the March 7 U.N. helicopter incident in Nasir—when the White Army killed the Dinka general and U.N. worker, among others—government troops attacked local Nuer market-goers and injured a U.N. peacekeeper in the same town.

The Nuer militia has had a complicated relationship with Machar, who has previously asserted control over the group to boost his profile. Though the White Army was initially founded as a community defense militia, it has offered crucial support to Machar’s SPLA-IO opposition force. Back in 2014, the SPLA-IO leadership even admitted to the New York Times that the Nuer militia had provided up to 80 percent of its troops in the Upper Nile State.

However, since then, the SPLA-IO has ended up with much less control and command over the White Army as it pursued its own agenda of revenge against the Dinka state troops, some of whom killed thousands of Nuer in a massacre in the capital city of Juba in 2013. Meanwhile, Machar’s waning political influence has only diminished his already limited ability to offer the militia crucial resources, such as weapons, ammunition, and coordination with other troops.

Machar’s popularity within the opposition has also declined since 2018 over the lack of implementation of the peace agreement’s security arrangements, which has triggered desertions by SPLA-IO soldiers. Some senior officers have also defected to Kiir’s government over Machar’s choices of political appointees.

Yet with repeated violations of the peace agreement primarily driven by the government, the eventual attack by the White Army on the U.N. helicopter has become a political gift for Kiir. Despite the White Army issuing a statement denying its affiliation to Machar, Kiir and the army have capitalized on Machar’s past claims of control over the White Army to attack him and other opposition members in Juba—in turn blaming them for the collapse of the peace agreement.

Machar’s arrest on March 27 now amounts to his de facto removal from his position as vice president—the ultimate violation of the peace agreement.

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                 Thé Mulindwas Communication Group
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