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{UAH} Yoweri Museveni and Pierre Nkurunziza in a bitter exchange

Yoweri Museveni and Pierre Nkurunziza in a bitter exchange

FRIDAY DECEMBER 14 2018

Yoweri Museveni

At loggerheads: Burundi's President Pierre Nkurunziza and his Ugandan counterpart Yoweri Museveni of Uganda. PHOTOS | FILE | NATION MEDIA GROUP 

In Summary

  • These terse comments attracted a strongly worded rejoinder by President Museveni, who accused Bujumbura leaders of, among other things, manipulation of the regional bloc; "use it when it suits you and discard it when it does not."

  • "Your line of saying that the EAC is usurping the sovereignty of the Burundian people by wanting to know the latest in the evolution of the political situation in Burundi, may not be correct," President Museveni wrote.

  • "There is the historic treaty of Arusha Agreement, which the region guaranteed. What does 'gurantee' mean?

  • It means that you take interest to be sure that what was agreed is on course.
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By DAILY MONITOR
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President Museveni and his Burundian counterpart Pierre Nkurunziza have, within a week, exchanged strongly-worded letters that reveal simmering division between East African Community (EAC) member states.

In a December 4, 2018, letter to Mr Museveni as current chair of EAC, President Nkrunziza called for emergency meeting of the regional leaders to resolve what he called as Rwanda's "aggression" against his country.

RWANDA

"In addition to the fact that Rwanda has prepared and supervised the coup d'état of 2015, the coup perpetrators and other criminals have taken up residence in Rwanda where they receive support to attack Burundi, crossing Rwanda-Burundi border or via the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo, as well as getting assistance and travel documents to enable them to circulate in the region and even in Europe," he wrote.

Rwanda on Thursday declined to comment on the allegation contained in Mr Nkrunziza's letter copied to EAC member states' presidents John Magufuli of Tanzania, Kenya's Uhuru Kenyatta and his South Sudan counterpart Salva Kiir and Paul Kagame of Rwanda.

Mr Kagame is also the chairman of the African Union.

"I cannot talk now. Leave me out," Maj Gen Frank Mugambage, the Rwandan ambassador to Uganda, said by telephone.

President Nkrunziza, in his letter to Mr Museveni, noted what he termed persistent machinations by Rwanda against his country, including the alleged breach of its airspace.

"It is, therefore, very urgent for the East African Community to focus on the real problem that is jeopardising peace and security throughout Burundi," he write.

" It is Rwanda, a state party to the treaty establishing the East African Community, which is not at its first attempt to destabilise its neighbour, Burundi, in violation of the fundamental principles of the community …," he added.

DAR SUMMIT

The Daily Monitor could not independently verify the claims broached by Bujumbura, but it was on the agenda of the flopped November 30, 2018, EAC heads of state summit in Arusha.

There was an attempted coup on May 13, 2015, against President Nkrunziza while he, at the time, was out of the country for an EAC heads of state summit in Dar es Salaam.

"In short, Rwanda is the only country in the region that is one of the main destabilisers of my country and, therefore, I no longer consider it a partner country, but simply as an enemy country," the Burundian leader wrote.

Kigali has broadly denied any involvement in subversive activities against its southern neighbour, even when Burundi has lodged similar complaints with the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) and the AU.

The plan to overthrow the Burundian leader, which Bujumbura in the letter to President Museveni blamed on Kigali, was thwarted at the last minute through, according to highly placed sources, cooperation of two EAC member states.

Mr Nkrunziza has since the foiled coup largely remained within the borders of his country.

The resulting tension nudged the regional bloc to designate Mr Museveni as chairperson of the Inter-Burundi Dialogue, a regional effort to restore peace and security in the country at the time engulfed in civil unrest that threatened to snowball into full scale civil war.

MANIPULATION

Former Tanzanian president Benjamin Mkapa was, however, tapped as a direct facilitator of the initiative, placing him in the frontline to conduct shuttle diplomacy in various capitals and between rival groups on behalf of the dialogue chair.

He submitted his report which, among others, describes the political situation in Burundi as concerning; raises question about the internal National Commission for Inter-Burundian Dialogue (CNDI) established in 2015, ignores Bujumbura's indictment of Kigali and, recommends talks between President Nkrunziza's government and dissidents, including the alleged coup plotters.

The perceived spurning of the concerns, fuelled by the Mkapa report calling for dialogue with opponents, has prompted Mr Nkrunziza to decree that no outsider should interfere in his country's internal matters.

"The only body authorised to evaluate the implementation of the Arusha agreement [which ended Burundi's previous war] is the Burundian senate. Any other interference would be to overthrow this institution elected by the people [of Burundi)," he noted.

These terse comments attracted a strongly worded rejoinder by President Museveni, who accused Bujumbura leaders of, among other things, manipulation of the regional bloc; "use it when it suits you and discard it when it does not."

"Your line of saying that the EAC is usurping the sovereignty of the Burundian people by wanting to know the latest in the evolution of the political situation in Burundi, may not be correct," President Museveni wrote.

BLOC AT RISK

"There is the historic treaty of Arusha Agreement, which the region guaranteed. What does 'guarantee' mean? It means that you take interest to be sure that what was agreed is on course. It may not be correct for only one party, the Burundi government, to tell all others (the EAC) and some Barundi elements that are even living outside that everything is on course and you have no right to inquire."

He added: "Respecting inter-state agreements, even when they impact internal situations, may not be interference. It is only what was agreed."

Senior presidential press secretary, Mr Don Wanyama, was unable to confirm whether Mr Museveni authored or sent the letter to his Burundian counterpart, saying he was not an addressee to know whether it was authentic or not.

President Nkrunziza and Rwanda's Kagame did not attend the November 30 EAC heads of state summit, which President Museveni chairs, prompting its deferral to December 27 in order to give member states sufficient preparation time after some claimed it was convened at short notice.

The failure by Rwanda, Burundi and South Sudan to have representation at the meeting at the highest levels of their governments has prompted some analysts to spot fissures in the bloc and cast gloom about its future.

In the December 8 response, President Museveni "totally agreed" with Mr Nkurunziza that the "tension between Rwanda and Burundi should be discussed," but noted that the bigger focus should be "prosperity of our people and the strategic security of the African people."

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{UAH} EDWARD MO IRUNDRUA'S LUWERO HOLIDAY. SECOND LEG.


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{UAH} Fwd: We Have No Choice But To Live Like Human Beings: The Forty-Second Newsletter (2018).



---------- Forwarded message ---------
From: Vijay Prashad <vijay@thetricontinental.org>
Date: Fri, 14 Dec 2018 at 03:24
Subject: We Have No Choice But To Live Like Human Beings: The Forty-Second Newsletter (2018).
To: <bobbyalcantara94@gmail.com>


View this email in your browser
We Have No Choice But To Live Like Human Beings: The Forty-Second Newsletter (2018).
 
Dear Friends,
 
Greetings from the desk of the Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research.
 
I come to you from Seoul (South Korea), one of the planet's hyper-cities. Half of South Korea's 50 million people live in the metropolitan area of Seoul. Not far from the core of the city is the demilitarised zone that cuts the Koreas in half. The political leadership of the North and South continue their brave journey to dial down the tension across the zone and to find ways to unite their peoples. Sensitive people on this peninsula want to move away from a state of permanent war. But even these small-scale unities are held back by obligations from distant lands. As far as Washington's military and political leadership is concerned, Japan and South Korea must remain client states of the West, aircraft carriers for the encirclement of China's return to the world stage (for context, see the first Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research Dossier from March of this year and read my most recent report here).
 
The glass and steel of Seoul, as with other cities on our planet, cannot hide the poverty that is tucked away in peripheral neighbourhoods and in the homes of the elderly. Earlier this year, in Lancet, a remarkable study predicted that women born in South Korea in 2030 will be the first to live for nine decades. This comes alongside OECD data that shows that half of the South Korean population over 65 live in poverty. That's a damning statistic for a wealthy country. There was a time when South Korea seemed invincible, one of the Asian Tigers. It took a blow in 1997 with Asian financial crisis and then again in 2007-08 with the global financial crisis. Its economy faltered, its population slipped into shades of poverty and its sense of worth declined.
 
The social welfare net withered over the past decades as the population began to age. It is predicted that by 2030, South Korea will be one of the 'super-aged countries' (where one in five residents is over 65). Germany, Italy and Japan are already 'super-aged'. The current president of South Korea – Moon Jae-in – came to power on the basis of a programme to tackle the welfare crisis in the country. His 100 Policy Tasks document (from August 2017) pledges to 'guarantee a healthy and decent life for the elderly in preparation for an aged society'. How this will be done is to be seen. Many elderly people in South Korea give their children part of their pension; if the pension is increased, it will come out of taxes paid by those very children. Without a vigorous scheme to tax the monopoly corporations, prevent corruption by them and tax the billionaires, no resources will be available for such a benevolent project.
Read Dossier no. 11 on the shack dwellers' struggles in South Africa
South Korea has a limited problem with homelessness. South Africa, on the other hand, has an endemic problem. It is rooted in the way land became a monopoly of the white population during the apartheid era and the way in which democracy after 1994 did not enter the land market. It is the absence of access to housing that leads to the creation of informal settlements, not just in South Africa but across the world. An old estimate from the United Nations suggests that at least a billion people – one in seven – live in informal settlements. A consequence of informality is the lack of services and therefore poor conditions of life. Those who live in these informal settlements are the city's workers, priced out of more formal living arrangements by the commodification of real estate.
 
The United Nations' Special Rapporteur on homelessness Leilani Farha says that the world housing market is now estimated to be worth US$163 trillion – a price that is twice that of the total world economy and vastly greater than the US$7 trillion worth of gold mined from the earth over all recorded time (please read her full report from September 2018 to the UN Human Rights Council here). Private capital has long seen the housing market as a viable investment, driving up prices. Capital sees land and housing as an investment not as a human right. This is the nub of the problem.
 
It is why organisations such as Abahlali baseMjondolo (AbM), the shack dwellers' movement of South Africa, emerged in 2005 and it is why they fight – tooth and nail – to protect the rights and dignity of the workers who live in the informal settlements. The title of this newsletter – we have no choice but to live like human beings – comes from an interview that Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research did a few weeks ago with S'bu Zikode, the President of AbM. That interview is the core of our 11th Dossier – The Homemade Politics of Abahlali baseMjondolo, South Africa's Shack Dweller Movement. It is our strongest dossier, an essential piece of reading.
 
The Dossier will be helpful not only in other parts of the Global South, where informal settlements form our unintended cities, but also in the Global North, where homelessness is rapidly increasing. A new report from the UK charity Shelter says that 130,000 children will be homeless over this winter. Much the same problem strikes the United States of America, where the Poor Peoples' Campaign attempts to confront the roots of homelessness and hunger (for one example, see my recent article about the work of Arise for Social Justice).
 
Pay attention to Article 25 of the International Declaration of Human Rights (1948): Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control. Each year, 10 December is set aside to honour this Declaration as Human Rights Day. It is typically an overwhelming day – so many problems, so few solutions. And yet, as I write in my column this week, there are glimpses of inspiration across the world, from Marrakesh (Morocco) to Rajasthan (India).
In Marrakesh (Morocco), representatives of the world's states met to pass a Global Compact for Migration, a promise that humane people will offer sensitive policies to desperate people. David Azia took this picture for UNHCR in Cox's Bazar at the Kutupalong refugee settlement a few months ago.
In Oslo (Norway), Nadia Murad and Denis Mukwege shared the Nobel Peace Prize. Both Nadia and Denis are campaigners to end the use of rape as a weapon of war. They are brave people with an important message. The speech that Denis gave stayed me: 'Turning a blind eye to tragedy is being complicit. It's not just perpetrators of violence who are responsible for their crimes. It is also those who choose to look the other way'. A crowd of Norwegians gathered outside their hotel, holding candles as sentinels.
In India, the state elections saw the defeat of the far-right BJP party of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The elections were won, as even the BJP acknowledges, by the mass organising and struggles of farmers and peasants as well as workers from small factories to day care centres (anganwadis). It was their election. However, because the Left is weak in the main states where the elections were held, the vote of the people went to the Congress Party – less bilious in its politics, but no less callous in its approach to everyday life. Nonetheless, in Rajasthan, where the peasant movement has been strong, two peasant leaders – both Communists – won seats to the legislature.
Finally, two reports by two very brave and insightful journalists give us a little glimpse of how ordinary people become extraordinary in difficult circumstances.
 
Vivian Fernandes (Brazil) writes of her visit into the jungles of Colombia to meet with guerrillas of the National Liberation Army (ELN). 'Where the transnational companies operate', Lucia – a member of the ELN tells Vivian – 'is where the State is'. The State is the bulldozer and security guard of the monopoly firms. It does not focus on the facilitation of housing and education, health and culture for the people.
 
Niren Tolsi (South Africa) writes of his visit to Sri Lanka, where the insurgency has been killed off and hope lives only in the margins. Expectations are low here. Thousands of people, including children, are still missing after the horrific end to the Civil War. The Office of Missing Persons is silent. Where are our children buried, people ask? 'Something more than nothing', says a human rights worker.
 
It is a bright, cold day today. I am reading one of Korea's great poets, Shin Kyong-nim. He reminds me of how important it is to write and speak and agitate for something better. Even in the worst days of the military dictatorship in South Korea, he wrote with feeling about the need for organisation and change. In 1973, Shin Kyong-nim published a book called Nong-mu (Farmers' Dance). In it was this poem, The Way to Go, translated by Brother Anthony (An Sonjae):
 
We gathered, carrying rusty spades and picks.
In the bright moonlit grove behind the straw sack storehouse,
first we repented and swore anew,
joined shoulder to shoulder; at last we knew which way to go.
We threw away our rusty spades and picks.
Along the graveled path leading to the town
we gathered with only our empty fists and fiery breath.
We gathered with nothing but shouts and songs.
 
Our image this week (see below) is of Marielle Franco (1979-2018), who was killed nine months ago this week. Marielle – as she is now known – was a black woman, a socialist, a LGBTQ militant and a mother. She was born and raised in the Complex da Maré, a major favela (informal settlement) in Rio de Janeiro. After a friend was tragically shot to death in the crossfire between the police and drug traffickers, Marielle entered the world of politics. She wanted to put an end to this kind of violence. Elected as a councillor in Rio, she served as the president of the Women's Commission. Her voice – her proud, loud voice – against violence in her home and in homes that resembled her own, such as the home of the members of AbM in South Africa, was what somebody silenced. We honour her courage and her strength and ask again, who killed Marielle? Will the killers of Marielle and Gauri Lankesh (India), Suad al-Ali (Iraq) and Hrant Dink (Turkey) and so many others be made to relinquish their chairs of authority?
 
Warmly, Vijay.
 
PS: please find our previous newsletters and dossiers, working documents and notebooks at our website in English, French, Portuguese and Spanish (with some material in Turkish!).






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{UAH} Allan/Gwotko/Pojim/Ocen et al: Devolution CS tells Ruto being deputy president does not mean he will succeed Uhuru in 2022

{UAH} CAPITALISM- THE LEGITIMATE RACKET OF THE RULING CLASS

Capitalism is good, but it has been exploited for the wrong reasons in today's world.

http://www.wisdomtoinspire.com/…/capitalism-is-the-legitima…

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{UAH} Trump obliterates his best legal defense on TV

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{UAH} Donny Deutsch Unleashes on Trump: His ’30-Year… Criminal Enterprise’ Will Destroy Him and ‘His Children’


by Joe DePaolo | Dec 12th, 2018, 5:41 pm 275
   


Following the announcement that Michael Cohen, President Donald Trump's former lawyer, has been sentenced to 36 months behind bars, Donny Deutsch absolutely tore into the commander-in-chief — his one-time pal — on MSNBC Wednesday.

Appearing on Deadline: White House, Deutsch — who made cameos during the first three seasons of The Apprentice — is now claiming that people in their shared New York circles have always pegged Trump as bad news.


"Donald Trump, in the industry of real estate developers — which is a bit of a slimy business to begin with — was known as the bottom, of the bottom, of the bottom of the food chain," Deutsch said. "I've heard story after story. This is a criminal guy."

Deutsch believes the president's New York past will eventually catch up with him.

"What is going to put him in jail eventually, what is going to destroy everything he's ever built and his children, is a 30-year, dishonest, criminal enterprise," Deutsch said.

He added, "He's the first guy in our lifetime that tried to undo [democracy], and he's going to pay for that the rest of his life as they pick apart his criminal enterprise. This is the very, very beginning of the story."


"Wow," host Nicolle Wallace said at the close of Deutsch's fiery remarks.

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{UAH} Kaka’s son admits killing girlfriend, seeks leniency

Kaka's son admits killing girlfriend, seeks leniency

FRIDAY DECEMBER 14 2018

Brian Bagyenda

In the dock. Brian Bagyenda, the son of the Internal Security Organisation boss Kakaka Bagyenda, at court early this year. He has applied for a plea bargain over murder charges. PHOTO BY ABUBAKER LUBOWA 

In Summary

  • Adjournment. Justice Athony Ojok Ayu adjourned the case to December 17 for both the prosecution and defence to inform court the outcome of their discussions on the gravity of the sentence
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By JULIET KIGONGO

Kampala. Brian Bagyenda, the man accused of killing his girlfriend, has confessed to the murder and applied for a plea bargain in the High Court, seeking a lenient sentence. 
The 29-year-old Bagyenda, the son of Internal Security Organisation (ISO) director Col Frank Bagyenda Kaka, confessed to the murder of his girlfriend Enid Twijukye, 22, last year. 
Bagyenda made the plea before Justice Anthony Ojok Ayu of the High Court in Kampala through his lawyer Nsubuga Mubiru. Justice Ojok is presiding over a trial session for 40 capital offenders. 
Plea Bargain is a justice system where an accused admits the alleged offence and in return is handed a lenient sentence on conviction. 
Bagyenda, a pharmacist, appeared together with his two co-accused Innocent Bainomugisha 24, a cleaner and Vincent Rwahwire 28, a casual labourer.
The prosecution states that on January 4, 2017, at Njobe Road in Nakawa Division, Kampala District, Bagyenda with his two accomplices, with malice aforethought, murdered his girlfriend Twijukye.
The prosecution says: "Bagyenda confessed to killing the deceased ( Twijukye). He stated that they had a misunderstanding following suspicion that she was involved with another man. He had her strangled in his bedroom at home (in Luzira) with the help of his co-accused."
Justice Ojok Ayu adjourned the case to December 17 for both the prosecution and defence to inform court of the outcome of their discussions on the gravity of the sentence.

Prosecution
The prosecution states that Twijukye left home on January 3, 2017, but did not return. Her sister Evas later got concerned when the deceased did not return after some time and called different family members to establish her whereabouts but to no avail.
"Investigations were carried out to determine who the last person with the deceased was and her old phone at home showed frequent calls to a one Bayyenda who was known as her boyfriend. Two weeks earlier during the Christmas season, the deceased had travelled to her village in Kazo in Bagyenda's vehicle an Ipsum blue in colour," reads part of the evidence by the prosecution. 
The evidence further indicates that the deceased's property including, a brown handbag, and mobile phone among others, a roll of cello tape and three pillow cases were later found to have been used to tie her hands and legs at the time she was strangled.
The items were recovered at a hotel in Mutungo (Hotel Voyager) where the two (Bayyenda and Twijukye) had checked in Room 6 under an alias Mujuzi John.

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