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{UAH} Shanghai stampede during New Year's event leaves 35 dead

UPDATED

Shanghai stampede during New Year's event leaves 35 dead

The Associated Press Posted: Dec 31, 2014 4:27 PM ET Last Updated: Jan 01, 2015 1:28 AM ET

Relatives try to push past security guards at a hospital where those injured by a stampede are being treated in Shanghai, China.

Relatives try to push past security guards at a hospital where those injured by a stampede are being treated in Shanghai, China. (The Associated Press)

Thirty-five people died in a stampede during New Year's celebrations in Shanghai's historic waterfront area, city officials said Thursday — the worst disaster to hit one of China's showcase cities in recent years.

A Shanghai government statement said another 46 people were receiving hospital treatment, including 14 who were seriously injured, following the chaos about a half-hour before midnight. Two other injured had already left hospital.

The microblog of the People's Daily, which is run by the ruling Communist Party, said that 25 women and 10 men had died, aged between 36 and 16. The injured included 3 Taiwanese and one Malaysian, it said.

The official Xinhua News Agency quoted an unnamed witness as saying people had scrambled for coupons that looked like dollar bills that were being thrown out of a third-floor window. It said the cause of the stampede was still under investigation.

At one of the hospitals where the injured were being treated, police brought photos out of dead victims who they had not been able to identify, causing dozens of waiting relatives to crowd around the table. Not everyone could see, and young women who looked at photographs someone had taken on a cellphone broke into tears.

'People shouted 'don't rush'

A saleswoman in her 20s, who refused to give her name, said she had been celebrating the New Year with three friends. "I heard people screaming, someone fell, people shouted 'don't rush,"' she said, adding she could not reach one of her friends. "There were so many people and I couldn't stand properly."

Xia Shujie, vice-president of Shanghai No. 1 People's Hospital, told media that some of the people brought to them were suffering from serious suffocation.

Xinhua said the deaths and injuries occurred at Chen Yi Square, which is in Shanghai's popular riverfront Bund area, an avenue lined with art deco buildings from the 1920s and 1930s when Shanghai was home to international banks and trading houses. The area is often jammed with spectators for major events.

China Shanghai Stampede

The scene of the stampede in New Year's celebrations in Shanghai - the worst disaster to hit one of China's showcase cities in recent years. (Xinhua/Associated Press)

On Thursday morning, dozens of police officers were in the area and tourists continued to wander by the square, a small patch of grass dominated by a statue of Chen Yi, the city's first Communist mayor.

Police stood guard at Shanghai No. 1 People's Hospital, where many of the injured were being treated. Earlier, relatives desperately seeking information had tried to push past guards at a hospital, state media photos showed. Guards had to use a bench to hold them back. Later, police were allowing family members into the hospital.

People who couldn't contact friends or family members went to the hospital. A man, who gave only his surname, Wu, said he had travelled to Shanghai from a province in the south, Jiangxi, Thursday morning to look for his 23-year-old friend. She had gone to Shanghai to celebrate on the Bund with another friend, but one of their phones was powered off and the other had been lost and handed in to police, Wu said.

CCTV America, the U.S. version of state broadcaster China Central Television, posted video of Shanghai streets after the stampede, showing piles of discarded shoes amid the debris.

One photo from the scene shared by Xinhua showed at least one person doing chest compressions on a shirtless man while several other people lay on the ground nearby, amid debris. Another photo showed the area ringed by police.

Steps lead down from the square to a road across from several buildings.

'We were pushed down'

"We were down the stairs and wanted to move up and those who were upstairs wanted to move down, so we were pushed down by the people coming from upstairs," an injured man told Shanghai TV. "All those trying to move up fell down on the stairs."

Last week, the English-language Shanghai Daily reported that the annual New Year's Eve countdown on the Bund that normally attracts about 300,000 people had been cancelled, apparently because of crowd control issues. The report said a "toned-down" version of the event would be held instead but that it would not be open to the public.

The stampede appeared to be near that area.

"Some people have fallen," Shanghai police soon warned on Weibo, a Twitter-like service, and they urged people to obey police and leave the scene without pushing.

The Shanghai city government released photos online showing the mayor hurrying into a local hospital to visit victims.

Meanwhile, Xinhua's top story on its website was not the stampede but President Xi Jinping's New Year's message. Xinhua's story in Chinese remained just two paragraphs long hours after the disaster.

The China Daily newspaper in February reported that the city's population was more than 24 million at the end of 2013.



___________________________________
Gwokto La'Kitgum
"Even a small dog can piss on a tall Building", Jim Hightower

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{UAH} Kingdom Building and Construction Firms - Amazing isn't it?!

I am still disturbed with the fact that Uganda Kingdoms; Bunyoro, Buganda, Toro, Busoga etc having a good number of estates as opposed to the Uganda government have no construction and building entities.

Now imagine the Katikiro going around to check on building construction in Buganda as if this very Kingdom has no reason and able construction engineers to set such a unit!

Really why doesn't Bunyoro or Buganda kingdoms have a Roko like
unit in construction and building fields


Amaaaaaaaaaaaaaazzzzing , isn't it?!!


Bwanika


_____________________________
Bwanika Nakyesawa Luwero

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{UAH} Mizigo Ban the Practical Decolonising Force

Forumists


If one can improve the African five contradictory sense - then he or she should be praised abundantly.


You want to kill an African, settle them in Muzigo – the accrued behavior patterns and economic setting thereof, will be most debilitating. How Mizigo come to the African mind set is most intriguing, for the African has no muzigo social linkage at all in his history.


Wherever African lived the precondition abound – in the desert, a forest or on islands they remained social forms, at the extreme basic. What, how and where are the origins of Mizigo comes into being, is unsettling and hopefully this is the first step of complete practical decolonising of the African.

 

As the America say , God Bless KCCA and Jennifer Musisi for such magnanimity, wisdom and being able to transform light from God, into building a God's city in this New Year, the next and those that will follow.

 

Bwanika



Assessing KCCA's mizigo ban proposal
Posted  Wednesday, December 17, 2014 | By Farahani Mukisa
KKCCA is planning to ban mizigo in favour of high-rise buildings

How applicable is Kampala Capital City Authority's (KCCA) proposal to ban single and double-roomed houses (commonly known as mizigo)?...

Home» News» National

KCCA to ban mizigo from city

Posted  Monday, November 10, 2014 | By FARAHANI MUKISA
An aerial view of Kisenyi one of the biggest slums in Kampala City

Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) is to stop approval of plans for single and double-roomed houses locally known as mizigo...


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_____________________________
Bwanika Nakyesawa Luwero

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{UAH} Happy new year.

I wish you all a happy and prosperous 2015.  Let us together make 2015 a year of tolerance, compromise and reconciliation. We must learn to forgive without forgeting our past because it impacts the present. I will continue to do my part on the basis of truth, respect and professionalism.

For god and my country.

Eric Kashambuzi

January 01, 2015

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{UAH} UNLA IS UNDISCIPLINED, UNTRAINABLE RABBLE AND THE BEST THING TO DO IS TO DISBAND IT

1.2.2.4 Obote II. and the NRA bush war (December 1980 – July 1985)

In the run-up to the parliamentary and presidential elections of 1980 the two

main contesting Parties were the UPC of Apollo Milton Obote and the DP of Paul

Kawanga Ssemogerere. There were also other small political parties - not really contesting

for any big win - such as the Conservative Party of Mayanja Nkangi and

Uganda People’s Movement, founded by Yoweri Museveni, after he fell out with UPC

& DP.

As already noted, the 1980 elections were clearly rigged and the truly deprived party

was the DP led by Paul K. Ssemogerere, who in the opinion of some observers, were

the true winners.70 This claim, as to be expected, was and is denied by the UPC die- hards. In any case, many Ugandans believed it was better to live with a civilian government,

even if it came to power through rigged elections, than to enter into another

war after the eight or nine years under Idi Amin. Distancing himself from this general

inclination, there was Yoweri Kaguta Museveni with a group of his followers, who argued

that because the elections were rigged, he decided to wage war against the

Obote II government in the Luwero Triangle of Buganda region. This war, for good or

bad, was later to steer and determine the fate and future of Uganda.

Although it is not our intention to argue a political case in this thesis, it is important

we reject the commonly held opinion that the war waged in 1981 in Luwero

was a popular resistance against the election rigging of 1980. Sir Peter Allen, a former

colonial police constable who was in Uganda from 1956, slowly but surely ascending

the career ladder until 1986, leaving at this stage as the Chief Justice of

Uganda, with a very typical although liberal colonial attitude towards Uganda – we

have widely quoted him in the course of this thesis – has this to say about

Museveni’s waging war in 1981:

 

Tuesday 23 December [1980]: The new MPs were sworn in at Parliament today . . . . The awful

Muwanga, having stepped down as Chairman of the Military Commission, is unfortunately

now to be Vice-President. That is very bad news and does not bode well for us. It seems he’s

too politically powerful to be kept out. Oh dear. The UPM did very badly in the elections and

won only one seat - in Toro. Their leader, Museveni, who was not elected, has announced in a

fit of pique that he is taking to bush and will fight a guerrilla war against Obote’s Government.

That’s just what Uganda needs now. Instead of being able to use all our resources for the

much needed rehabilitation and rebuilding of the country, we have a totally unnecessary civil

war on our hands because of personal political ambitions of one man. How many people are

now going to die just for that? A very expensive sulk!71

 

And indeed it was a prophetic expression: ‘a very expensive sulk’ if we take account

of the costs of this war. We will refer further to Allen’s diaries to make us count these

costs, which actually explains and measures the amount of violence Ugandans

meted on Ugandans during this period.

 

Tuesday 10 February [1981]: ‘For the last three nights there have been explosions and gunfire

around the city. These are apparently caused by Museveni’s guerrillas attacking various

buildings. A very useful contribution to Uganda’s recovery….

 

Thursday 19 November [1981]: ‘Whoever is responsible for training the present UNLA army is

not doing a very good job of it; especially with regards to weapons discipline. All over Kampala

there are military sentries guarding the residences of ministers and senior army officers. Constantly

these sentries loose off shots from their weapons because they persist in carrying them

around loaded and cocked. So, an accidental touch or pressure on the trigger and away the

bullet goes often into the foot of the sentry; sometimes into a comrade while they are playing

about with their weapons. There’s a report in the paper of a foolish young recruit going on

leave by train to Kabale who took a live grenade into the railway carriage and actually played

with it on the journey, like an ignorant child. The pin came out and, in the resulting explosion,

he and the other passengers sitting with him were all killed, including a young woman with a

baby. . . I hear that in the Bombo area, about 30 miles north-west of Kampala, a large group of

Museveni’s NRA has been wiped out after heavy fighting. They were conducting guerrilla attacks

in and around Kampala from their strategically placed camp there’

 

Thursday 16 March [1982]: ‘There appears to be an unusual amount of trouble around Kampala

at the moment and a lot of Baganda have been rounded up and carted off by people

working in the office of Vice-President Muwanga, who seems to have set up a sort of secret

police organisation. The thugs he uses are acting in the same way as those in Amin’s SRB

and quite probably some of them are the same people. A Commonwealth Military Training

Team (CMTT) has arrived to begin instruction on everything ranging from mechanics to ordnance

and ambush techniques. But this is largely a waste of time in my view as the UNLA is

an undisciplined, untrainable rabble and the best thing to do with it is to disband it.’

 

Wednesday 20 April [1983]: ‘Museveni and his NRA are very active in an area forming a triangle

between the main roads from Kampala to Gulu and from Kampala to Hoima. In these hundreds

of square miles, known as Luweero Triangle, the NRA is in control and telephone communications

between Kampala and Hoima, Masindi and Gulu have been cut for months. The

power supply to Masindi and Hoima is also cut. All this is a great discomfort and inconvenience

for the people who live there or who wish to travel to or to communicate with the area. It

doesn’t seem to matter to Museveni that his action of taking to the bush in petulance after being

totally rejected in the 1980 elections has cost the country so much in lives and property

and delayed or prevented Uganda’s recovery and rehabilitation after the destructive years of

Amin’s regime. And what is it all for? It can’t be a difference in policies. Any Uganda government

must have the same aims of rebuilding and rehabilitating the country and people. So it

just comes down to personalities and ambitions for power. How many people must suffer and die to satisfy this desire? And for how long? Nothing in Uganda is now better than it was at independence

21 years ago; indeed everything is in a very much worse state and Uganda has

merely achieved negative growth. Even this present awful government would not be anywhere

near so bad as it now is if it wasn’t being constantly attacked and harassed by guerrillas and

violent opponents. If everyone had the sense to put aside personal quarrels and political ambitions

for the time being while rebuilding this beautiful country, they could do wonders. But

there is no hope of that.

 

We could go on infinitely quoting from those worthy pages of the diaries of Mr.

Allen, but it should suffice to give a last quotation in this section to underline the violence

committed in this period of war between Ugandan government troops, the

UNLA, and the rebel group under Museveni, the NRA. Personal interests and sheer

greed for power were the sole reasons on the sides of both warring parties who were

blindly and mercilessly sacrificing many lives to meet the costs of their ambitions.

Here Allen writes:

 

Wednesday 2 January [1985]: ‘Last August Vice-President Muwanga visited North Korea and,

as a result, they have sent somewhere around 700 military personnel to train the UNLA. Amin

did the same for his army. Their expertise is in cruel and painful interrogation and unarmed

killing methods. We really don’t need this sort of thing, whatever Muwanga thinks. Now we

have them here again teaching Ugandans how to be more efficient killers of their own people.

They have been active up in the Luweero Triangle against the NRA, which has been getting

the upper hand recently and has established its HQ in Ssingo County around the area of my

old station Mityana. A short while back the NRA claimed to have killed about 140 UNLA troops

and three North Koreans and to have taken seven North Koreans as prisoners in fire-fights in

that area. Why on earth can’t these people call off this stupid, senseless civil war and just talk

together about sharing government and rebuilding this wonderful country instead of continuing

with this meaningless killing and useless destruction?’

 

The period of Obote II was marked with brutal violence on the sides of warring

parties: The government soldiers committed grave atrocities on the civilians in the

Luweero Triangle – many were forced into displacement camps or brutally murdered

when found outside those camps.80 It is even claimed that writings such as ‘A good Muganda is a dead one’81 were inscribed on walls of school or Church buildings by the UNLA soldiers.

 

vorgelegt von: Robert Lukwiya Ochola, MCCJ  {Seite 28}

 

 

EM

On the 49th Parallel          

                 Thé Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja and Dr. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda is in anarchy"
                    
Kuungana Mulindwa Mawasiliano Kikundi
"Pamoja na Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja na Dk. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda ni katika machafuko"

 

 

 

 

{UAH} Ocen, WBK//Uhuru names Boinett IGP

Folks;

President Uhuru has bowed to tribal pressure from the Rift Valley allies and named a home boy as the new IGP. 

The nominee, however, is a well-qualified, experienced Intelligence operative. I particularly value his background as head of the Division in the National Intelligence Service that is tasked with analyzing raw intelligence.

That background should help him act on future intel reports.

Pojim



{UAH} ACHOLI DESTROYED THE ONLY TWO BEST SCHOOLS IN NORTHERN UGANDA

Uganda: Sad October for Aboke Girls And Ombaci College

 

By George Laghu

Kampala — Set 340 miles apart, the story of boys' and girls' schools bound by dedication to the parents of Jesus Christ have interesting accounts of their background and fate fused into a sad tale of terror, rape and death in October.

St Joseph's College Ombaci in Arua district and St Mary's Aboke Girls school in Lira district are among the best schools in northern Uganda.

Both schools were founded by the Comboni Missionaries.

The schools were dedicated to Mary and Joseph. Their dedication, however, would fit very well in the Catholic dogma of the alliance of two hearts of Mary and Joseph in building the holy family.

Symbolically, Ombaci and Aboke would unite in building better families in northern Uganda, were it not for the attacks by brutal gun-wielding men on the two schools in October 1980 and 1996, respectively.

On October 7, 1980 and on October 9, 1996, rag-tag troops in military outfits invaded the two schools. They killed, abducted, raped and traumatised hundreds of students in the two schools, turning October into a month of terror.

In the case of Ombaci, it all started on October 7, 1980 when the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF) high command ordered its troops in West Nile to make a "tactical withdrawal" to areas outside the region. They were fearing an invasion by the Uganda National Rescue Front (UNRF) and the former Uganda Army based in Sudan.

The withdrawal, which was truly tactical created a security vacuum. This precipitated a war in which dozens of students were massacred and hundreds of residents were forced to take refuge in the school, under the shield of an Italian headmaster, the late Fr Minch.

The withdrawal was meant for the creation of a situation for revenging on the people of West Nile for their supposed support for the regime of Idi Amin.

The largely Acholi-based UNLF blamed for killing their kinsmen. Others included a ploy to depopulate a region, which was largely seen as anti-UPC and create an atmosphere where free and fair elections were impossible. This enabled the unopposed return of UPC candidates, Ronald Badanyanya of Arua and Dr Moses Apiliga of Moyo.

Ombaci College became the epicentre of a regionwide massacre, which is only best described as genocide. The period between October 7 and 23, 1980 saw the execution of a nearly undocumented, but vicious savagery and a barbaric attack on defenceless people.

Journalist Ben Bella Illakut, then reporting for the Uganda Times, was hounded out of Uganda by government operatives for bringing to light the atrocities committed in West Nile.

John Manano, a survivor of the Ombaci butchery, tearfully recollected the fate of his neighbouring dormitory then referred to as 'dorm D' as the dormitory of death.

"Dozens of my colleagues and villagers were shepherded into dorm D or now call it 'dorm of doom', where in an act reminiscent of the Nazi torture chambers, they were killed with heavy artillery fire.

Ombaci turned into a mini-Atuziwich," Manano said. In Aboke, the morning of October 9, 1996, the anniversary of Uganda's independence, turned out to be the 'black day' when men clad in crude military attire broke into one of the girls' dormitories and abducted 190 girls.

The men belonging to the notorious Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) herded the girls to the Sudan where they were shared as wives by their captors' leaders.

Most of the girls have been rescued - thanks to the efforts of the Uganda Peoples Defence Forces (UPDF) and the acclaimed efforts of the school's headmistress and the Association of concerned Parents.

However, many of these girls have either been infected with HIV/AIDS or are single parents. And St Mary's Aboke Girls has never recovered from the shock of October 9, as 30 of their colleagues remain unaccounted for.

Both Ombaci and Aboke were started as vocational institutions for training young boys and girls into responsible men and women based on the Catholic values.

In 1935, the Italian Comboni Missionaries founded Ombaci, six kilometres north of Arua town, to provide technical skills in carpentry, brick-laying and building, and metal work. In line with the profession of Joseph, the father of Jesus, as a carpenter, the school was dedicated to him.

Observing a very strict catholic discipline, Ombaci soon became one of the greatest schools in the north in line with the ideals of its motto: 'Primus inter-pares' or First among Equals. The outstanding headmaster, the late Fr. Minch, abandoned his training and profession as an anti-mafia police squad in Italy and joined the priesthood and trained as a teacher. He guided the school to its current fame and was a witness to the darkest days of a school he helped to build.

As the need for domestic science training was considered paramount for the largely uneducated African women, the growth of Aboke was unstoppable. Taking Mary, the mother of Jesus, who cooked good food for the family and remained faithful and simple as a matron of their institution, the school expanded to attract the attention of a government programme of supporting community schools in 1980.

Rachael Fassera, then a 19-year-old girl, left a course of salesmanship to work in an electrical warehouse in the US, to join the Comboni Sisters and train as a teacher of biology.

She, with other sisters, founded St Mary's Aboke Girls and turned it into one of the outstanding girls' schools in the region.

On October 9, 1996, Fassera saw her efforts tumble like blocks of dominoes.

Like Fr. Minch, who went into the bushes to bury the remains of his students, Sr. Rachael trecked the bushes of Sudan in search of her girls.

She met no less person than Pope John Paul II and Koffi Annan, the UN secretary general, in efforts to secure the girls.

Fassera also went to South Africa to meet Nelson Mandela to seek his influence. She also met President Yoweri Museveni and dared emissaries of Joseph Kony.

Ugandans of good will join students of St. Mary's Aboke Girls and St Joseph's College Ombaci as they go into their school chapels to pray the solemn and somber memorial requiem masses.

 

EM

On the 49th Parallel          

                 Thé Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja and Dr. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda is in anarchy"
                    
Kuungana Mulindwa Mawasiliano Kikundi
"Pamoja na Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja na Dk. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda ni katika machafuko"

 

 

 

 

{UAH} THE ACHOLI VIOLENCE BY AMNESTY INTERANATIONAL EYES {Part 3}

Uganda

Amnesty International was concerned

about the detention without trial of hundreds

of alleged political opponents of the

government, including some prisoners of

conscience. At least 80 rxhtical detainees

were released in an amnesty in July but

others continued to be held in military

barracks w in prisons run by the National

Security Agency ( NASA ). Amnesty International recei‘ ed many

allegations of torture from those who had been held in unlawful custody,

and investigated a number of "disappearances" from militarN and

security custody. The organization was also concerned about continued

reports of extrajudicial executions of alleged political opponents by the

army.

The internal security situation remained unstable throughout 1984.

Activity by anti-government guerrillas was reported in the " Luwero

triangle" northwest of Kampala, in Bunyoro and in West Nile, and the

army mounted major operations against them. In Karamoja the artm

launched a joint operation with Kenyan forces against cattle rustlers

along the border.

Several hundred people remained in detention without trial throughout

1984 under the Public Order and Security Act, 1967. This permits

the detention of anyone whom the President deems "dangerous to peace

and gocx1 order in Uganda". Both the act and the constitution lay down

safeguards for such detainees but they were often disregarded by the

authorities. A judicial review tribunal established to review each

detention within two months and thereafter at six-monthly intervals was

not apparently active. Although the act stipulates that detentions should

be notified in the official Uganda Gazette within 30 days, none were

published in 1984 until November. This was the first list published since

August 1983, although many people had been detained in the meantime.

Over 600 prisoners, including at least 80 political detainees. were

released in an amnesty in July. Atter these releases the Minister of

Internal Affairs reportedly said that 1,142 people were still detained

without charge in Luzira Upper Prison, the maximum security prison

near Kampala where most Public Order and Security Act detainees were

held. However, he did not specify how many of them were held under the

Public Order and Security Act. The list of such detainees published in the

Uganda Gazette in November contained 251 names, but Amnesty

International believed that the number of long-term political detainees in

civil custody was greater than that. Several detainees hekl under the Public Order and Security Act were

ir.lopted as prisoners of conscience by Amnesty International. They

included Onesimus Katalikawe, an opposition Democratic Party ( DP)

member of parliament. He had been arrested at Bombo military barracks

in February when he inquired about three other people who had been

arrested. He had reportedly been whipped and beaten severely and held

at a secret NASA detention centre before being transferred in late

February to Luzira Upper Prison. He was still detained there at the end

of 1984. Amnesty International also adopted as prisoners of conscience

six journalists detained under the act in November. Francis Kanyeihamba

and Sam Kiwanuka were detained after being tried and acquitted of

"writing and publishing a false and malicious publication" -- a satirical

article criticizing the government's proposed Women's Charter. Two

others - Drake Ssekeba and Sam Katwere were detained after

publishing an article alleging corruption among government ministers.

Anthony Ssekweyama, editor of the pro-DP weekly newspaper Munnanst

was detained following publication of an article criticizing the presence in

Uganda of North Korean troops. David Kasuija. another Munnansi

journalist, was charged with criminal trespass and detained after a court

had ordered his release on bail. Two other Munnansi journalists --

Andrew Mulindwa and John Baptist Kyeyune were also adopted as

prisoners Of conscience but were still held uncharged in pc)lice custody at

the end of 1984. Both had been arrested by soldiers who reportedly

tortured John Baptist Kyeyune while he was in their custody.

Conditions in Luzira Upper Prison were believed to be poor but there

were no reports of torture. Several uncharged political detainees died

there, including Nelson Kirya-Kalikwani, a 66-yearold DP official who

died in July after being detained in April. The authorities did not divulge

the cause of death, but it occurred at the time of a typhoid outbreak in the

prison. Amnesty International expressed its concern to the government

about this and other deaths and about allegations that detainees were

denied medical attention.

In June a Repeal Act was passed which stripped members of the

armed forces of the power to arrest civilians conferred on them by the

forma government of President Idi Amin. However, Amnesty International

continued to receive many reports of civilians being unlawfully

detained by the army or NASA, allegedly because of connections with

the guerrillas, but in fact because of their political affiliations or ethnic

origin. The government, however, continued to refuse to acknowledge

that anyone was held in military barracks, and it was impossible to find

out the numbers detained. Amnesty International continued to receive

reports that torture was routinely carried out by soldiers and NASA

personnel, sometimes until the victim died The most common form of

torture reported was beating, using iron bars, sticks with nails, rifle butts and electric cable. The application of electric shocks, rape and other

sexual tortures were also reported.

In July Amnesty International issued an urgent appeal on behalf of

Annette Florence Nnakandi, the I 8-year-old daughter of a missing DP

member of parliament, who was arrested at the end of May and detained

in Makindye barracks - where she was reportedly tortured and Nile

Mansions military intelligence centre. It was discovered that her eight

month-old daughter was detained with her. She was later transferred to

police custody where the government said that she was being held for

questioning. She and her baby were released without charge in

September.

Amnesty International received many reports of "disappearances"

in military custody. In March the organization asked the government

about Ludovico Mangeni and Joseph Wabwiire, two elderly DP

officials. They were reportedly arrested at Tororo police station in

eastern Uganda in March, along with six other DP officials, when they

were applying for permission to hold a meeting in the town. The eight

were transferred from police custody to Rubongi military barracks in

Tororo. Six were later released but Ludovico Mangeni and Joseph

Wabwiire had "disappeared". It was alleged that they were being held in

Rubongi barracks where they were being denied fbod. In July Amnesty

International received reports that they had died in custody. In August, in

response to Amnesty International's inquiries, the Ministry of Internal

Affairs stated that an investigation had established that they had never

been arrested and detained, and repeated the government's denial that

any prisoners were held in military custody.

Several leading political opponents of the government were tried in

1984. They included Yoweri Kyesimira, a DP member of parliament

who was previously detained without trial ftom February 1981 to

January 1982. He was rearrested in March 1983 and charged with

treason on account of alleged links with guerrillas. No verdict in his trial

had been given by the end of 1984 although two assessors reportedly

recommended to the judge that he should be acquitted. Amnesty

International was concerned that Yoweri Kyesimira may have been a

prisoner of conscience.

In November Paul Ssemogerere, the leader of the DP, Anthony

Ssekweyama and another DP official were charged with sedition. They

had publicized an alleged letter from the Chief Justice to President

Milton Obote which discussed plans to detain DP leaders, and led Paul

Ssemogerere to question the independence and political impartiality of

the ChiefJustice. However, they were released on bail and their trial had

not begun by the end of 1984. It was while on bail that Anthony

Ssekweyama was detained under the Public Order and Security Act( see

above). Ffie trial of six men accused of treason took place in the High Court

from Nm ember to December. They included Balaki Kirya, a former

government minister who was abducted from exile in Kenya by Ugandan

agents in I 982 and subsequently charged with treason. In December he

was acquitted and charges against the other five defendants were

withdrawn. However. all six were immediately rearrested and they were

still detained at the end of 1984. Amnesty International expressed

concern to President Obote about the rearrests and asked to be told the

legal hasis for the detention of the six men.

Ugandan refugees and political exiles outside the country faced

continued threats to their security. In May Laurence Ssemakula, the

leader of the opposition Federal Democratic Movement of Uganda

EDF MU), was reportedly abducted from Nairobi. Six months later

Amnesty International received information that he had died at Kircka

military barracks shortly atter his abduction. The organization received

reports of several other attempted abductions of Ugandan refugees in

Kenya and in September and October Ugandan soldiers were alleged to

have abducted Ugandan refugees from Sudan. In December Amnesty

International expressed its concern to President Obote about such

incidents and about reports of extrajudicial executions carried out by

soldiers in the West Nile area. and called for an urgent inquiry.

Amnesty International continued to receive reports of widespread

extrajudicial killings by the army. In addition to West Nile, the southern

Buganda area was cited, especially the Luwero triangle" where it was

reported to Amnesty International that a number of mass graves had

been discovered. Amnesty International also received reports of killings

of civilians by guerrillas. However, the organization believed that the

majority of killings of civilians were carried out by the army. One

particularly well-documented incident took place at Namugongo, near

Kampala, at the end of May. Soldiers were reported to have killed up to

100 civilians, including the Reverend Godfrey Bazira. principal of the

Uganda Martyrs' Theological College, and Sheik Yusuf Mono. Imam of

the nearby Kito mosque. The government condemned the killings and

admitted that soldiers might have been involved. Subsequently one man,

reportedly an army officer, was said to have been charged in connection

with the killings. However, no formal inquiry was known to have been

established. In July Amnesty International urged President Obote to

establish an independent and impartial inquiry and to make public its

findings.

In August 1984, the Ugandan Minister of Information reportedly

stated that some 15,000 people may have been killed by both the army

and guerrillas since 1981. This statement was issued in denial of an

earlier estimate by the US Assistant Secretary of State for Human

Rights and Humanitarian Affairs that between 100,000 and 200,000 people had been killed by the army or deliberately starved to death since

1981. Amnesty International stated that it did not know exactly how

many people had been killed, hut that killings of civilians were taking

place on a scale so large as to cause the gravest concern.

 

EM

On the 49th Parallel          

                 Thé Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja and Dr. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda is in anarchy"
                    
Kuungana Mulindwa Mawasiliano Kikundi
"Pamoja na Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja na Dk. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda ni katika machafuko"

 

 

 

 

{UAH} THE ACHOLI VIOLENCE BY AMNESTY INTERANATIONAL EYES {Part 2}

Uganda

Amnesty International was concerned

about the wide-ranging detention without

trial of alleged opponents of the government

Several hundred were detained by

the civil authorities under the Public

Order and Security Act, in many cases

without full observance of their legal

rights. Many others were detained unlawfully

by the military authorities and

reportedly tortured. Some reportedly "disappeared" in military custody

or were killed. Amnesty International was also concerned about reports

of extrajudicial executions of civilians by soldiers and about the use of

the death penalty.

President Milton Obote's government continued to face armed

opposition in central and northwestern Uganda from the National

Resistance Army, Uganda Freedom Movement and Uganda National

Rescue Front Many unarmed civilians were allegedly killed by the

army but the government denied these allegations. Amnesty International

also received reports of killings by opposition guerrilla organizations.

As a result of the insecurity and violence, several thousand people fled to

neighbouring countries. Some 150,000 other people were placed in

"displaced persons" camps under army control where many were

reportedly ill-treated by soldiers. In April, Amnesty International published the correspondence with

the government that followed a mission to Uganda in January 1982.

Amnesty International had submitted recommendations for the protection

of basic human rights but few of these recommendations appeared

to have been implemented. In particular, the government had not

initiated an independent inquiry into allegations of torture or killings and

had not taken steps to end arbitrary executions by the army.

Large numbers of people were arrested during 1983 on suspicion of

supporting armed opposition organizations. In Kampala, hundreds of

people at a time were detained in a number of panda gari ("get in the

lorry") operations, carried out by police and military officials. Although

most such detainees were believed to have been quickly released, a

considerable number were reportedly detained for further interrogation.

Several hundred people were detained under the Public Order and

Security Act, which provides for indefinite detention without charge or

trial. They were held at Luzira Upper Prison, a maximum security

prison administered by the Prison Service. On 12 August the government

acknowledged that 92 people had been detained under this act in

the first half of 1983, when it published a list of 359 people who were

still in detention following their arrest between 1979 and 1983.

Amnesty International, however, believed that the actual number of

detainees was much higher and that the government had failed to

observe the constitutional requirement that all those detained under the

act should be named in the government gazette within one month and

thereafter at six-monthly intervals. The constitution also requires that

all detentions should be reviewed within two months by an independent

Detention Review Tribunal, at which detainees may appear with legal

representation, and thereafter at six-monthly intervals. The findings of

the tribunal are not binding on the government and are not published

The tribunal reviewed a small proportion of detentions in early 1983 but

many detentions were allegedly not reviewed at all during the year.

Several prisoners detained under this act in 1983 were members of

the legally permitted opposition Democratic Party and were apparently

arrested for their non-violent political activities. Among them was the

Reverend Francis Kizito, a Roman Catholic priest from Mpigi district,

who was arrested in January and publicly accused of having visited

guerrilla camps in 1981. He was released uncharged in October.

Another prisoner who was still detained without charge at the end of

1983 was Ambrose Okullo, a former deputy Minister of Education and

an unsuccessful Democratic Party parliamentary candidate. The

government made no reply to Amnesty International's inquiries into the

grounds for his detention and about the detention of several others

whom Amnesty International believed could be prisoners of conscience.

Yoweri Kyesimira, a Democratic Party member of parliament and former university professor, was arrested on 12 March and charged

with treason for allegedly having met guerrilla leaders in 1981. By the

end of 1983 no date had been set for his trial. Amnesty International

was investigating whether he had been detained because of his nonviolent

political activities.

Amnesty International received information that large numbers of

other people were arrested by the army ostensibly for having links with

the guerrillas. Details were difficult to obtain but the organization

received information indicating that many people were held without

official acknowledgement and incommunicado in military custody,

although the army has no power in law to detain civilians. It was alleged

that people arrested by the army in the Kampala area were usually taken

initially to military interrogation offices in Nile Mansions in Kampala,

and then transferred to Makindye, Mbuya or Malire barracks in Kampala

or certain private houses in Kampala under military control. It was also

alleged that torture and ill-treatment of such detainees in military

custody were common and some were alleged to have "disappeared" in

military custody, although such reports were invariably difficult to

verify. Former detainees, including alleged torture victims, told Amnesty

International that other detainees had been arbitrarily executed or had

died in custody as a result of torture, starvation or the denial of medical

treatment

In July Amnesty International made urgent appeals on behalf of

Pius Kawere, a lawyer and Democratic Party member, who was held

without official acknowledgement in Mbuya barracks. He had been

arrested in Mukono on 22 April by a military intelligence officer. He

was released in August after being held in harsh conditions together with

almost 100 other civilian detainees, many of whom had been tortured.

Amnesty International made inquiries to the authorities about

several other prisoners who were reportedly tortured while in military

custody. Amnesty International later learned of the transfer of some of

the detainees to detention in civil custody and the release of certain

others, reportedly after their relatives had paid bribes to military

officials. A number, however, were feared to have "disappeared". In

one case documented by Amnesty International, Patrick Kibaalya, a

primary school headmaster in Jinja, was arrested by soldiers on 20

February in Jinja, and then "disappeared". It was later learned that he

had been taken to Katabi military barracks in Entebbe and tortured so

severely that he died two days later.

Amnesty International was also investigating allegations of illegal

detentions and torture by officials of the National Security Agency, an

intelligence unit, and by officers of the Special Force, a para-military

police unit

Amnesty International expressed concern about the continued detention without trial of several people who were arrested in 1981 and

1982. They included Ben Riling. a Democratic Party supporter and

businessperson in Tororo, and Silver Tibihika, an army lieutenant.

Amnesty International repeated its calls for thorough investigations into

the "disappearance" of several people arrested by the army in 1981,

including Beatrice Kemigisha, a Makerere University lecturer, and

Constantin Kabazaire, a former magistrate. The government continued

to deny that they had been arrested. In March, Amnesty International

received some information from the Minister of Internal Affairs

concerning prisoners about whom it had inquired in 1982, but its

request for clarification in a number of cases, and further investigations

into -disappearances" received no response.

In January 200 detainees were released from Luzira Upper Prison.

They were believed to have included some political detainees as well as

some of the 60 or more former soldiers of ex- President Amin's army

who had been detained without trial since 1979. In October the

government announced the release of 2,100 prisoners in an amnesty to

mark the 20th anniversary of Uganda's independence. The government

did not disclose details of those released, most of whom were apparently

convicted criminal prisoners, although some had been detained under

the Public Order and Security Act and had been the subject of inquiries

by Amnesty International. At the end of 1983 several hundred

detainees were still believed to be held in Luzira Upper Prison.

Amnesty International received allegations of torture throughout

1983 of detainees held in military custody. The allegations were made

by detainees who survived and were later released, detainees' relatives,

and others. Detainees interrogated in Nile Mansions military offices

were reportedly stripped naked and severely beaten with sticks and gun

butts, and given little or no food for days at a time. Particularly severe

torture reportedly occurred at Makindye and Kireka barracks. Detainees

in Makindye barracks were said to be subjected to beatings and assaults

with bayonets, some being shot in the limbs. Many allegedly died as a

result of torture, starvation or being shot. Torture methods reported in

Kireka barracks included burning sensitive parts of the body, beatings

and shootings. Reports of torture were also received in respect of

military detention centres in other parts of the country, for example in

Bombo, Tororo and Mpigi. People held at local administrative centres

in Luwero and Mpigi districts were also reportedly tortured. Amnesty

International inquired about a number of such cases in 1983 but

received no replies from the authorities.

Prison conditions for those held in military custody after interrogation

were also said to be harsh. Detainees were held incommunicado in

dirty, overcrowded cells. They were given very little food and were

denied medical treatment. Prison conditions for political detainees held in civil custody by the

police or prison service -- including those held in Luzira Upper Prison -

were believed to be much better in comparison.

Numerous reports were received of the arbitrary and illegal killing of

civilians by military personnel, both in areas of military activity against

the guerrillas and in urban and rural areas outside any area of armed

conflict The government maintained that it investigated any cases of

abuse of power by soldiers but few soldiers were known to have been

charged with offences of violence against civilians. In one case, a soldier

was charged with the murder of an opposition member of parliament,

Africano Ssembattya, on 2 October, but the circumstances of the

incident were not known to Amnesty International and the trial had not

started by the end of the year. Deaths of non-combatant civilians

allegedly at the hands of the military were rarely investigated by the

police and no inquests were known to have been held in such cases.

Political killings by opposition guerrilla organizations were also

reported. Allegations that specific killings were committed either by

government or by anti-government forces were generally difficult to

corroborate. The absence of detailed accounts of the incidents from

official sources or eye-witnesses, as well as the high level of insecurity in

the areas where the killings occurred, contributed to the difficulties

Amnesty International faced in seeking to attribute responsibility for the

killings.

In Kikyusa village in Bulemezi county in Luwero district, up to 100

people were killed in a "displaced persons" camp at the end of May.

The government blamed the killings on opposition guerrillas wearing

army uniform, but other sources alleged that the perpetrators were in

fact government soldiers. Despite international concern about this

incident, no independent inquiry was known to have been initiated by

the government In August a government spokesperson admitted in

parliament that the killing of 30 people in Ssonde and Jinja villages in

Mukono District on 18 March by men in army uniform had been carried

out by soldiers, although the government had earlier blamed the killings

on guerrilla opponents. He stated that the kMings were a "mistake" but

Amnesty International has no knowledge of any further investigation

into the incident or of any action taken against those responsible. In

September, over 60 people arrested in Mpigi West district and held in

Mpigi prison were reportedly taken out by soldiers and killed nearby.

The government did not reply to Amnesty International's inquiries

about the incident.

Amnesty International received information that some 23 prisoners

were awaiting execution in Luzira Upper Prison in March. They were

all reported to have been convicted of murder and armed robbery and

sentenced to death since 1979. It was not known how many death

sentences were imposed in 1983 or whether any executions were

carried out.

 

EM

On the 49th Parallel          

                 Thé Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja and Dr. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda is in anarchy"
                    
Kuungana Mulindwa Mawasiliano Kikundi
"Pamoja na Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja na Dk. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda ni katika machafuko"

 

 

 

 

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