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WAS THE 1980 ELECTIONS NOT RIGGED?
The DP and UPC who were the major players in the 1980 elections had been founded before Uganda gained independence. To some extent, they had been built on religious foundations i.e Catholicism and Protestantism respectively. The UPC had alot of grassroot support and moreso was seen as the one that had dislodged Iddi Amin. Owing to the events of 1966, its support in Buganda had diminished. However, the 'men in uniform' like Paulo Muwanga, Samwiri Mugwisa and others had played a big role in rebranding UPC in Buganda.
The DP had reasonable support in Buganda and among the Catholics in other parts of Uganda. It had also registered the support of some former UPC members who felt that its UPC and Obote in particular who had cropped up Iddi Amin. Obviously the UPC was set to sweep the entire northern, eastern and a big portion of western regions. The Democratic party had reasonable support in a bigger part of Buganda, the immence catholic presence in Gulu and an equally shared support with UPC in the western region. It is this DP's support among the dominant Catholics in Gulu that was invoked in 1985 for Bazilio Okello to stage a coup against Obote and his UPC. Against that background, no doubt, the little known UPM of Yoweri Museveni and Mayanja Nkangi's CP were just underdogs in the whole tournament.
The 1980 elections were orgnised under the auspice of the Military Commission that was ruling the country at the time. Paulo Muwanga was the Chairman while Yoweri Museveni was the Vice Chairman of that Military commission. Museveni had alot of Confidence in Paulo Muwanga. Earlier, in 1971 he had suggested that Paulo Mwanga should be made the Chaiman of FRONASA. Again in 1985, he secretly met Paulo Mwanga in a German hosipital to work out a coup against Obote. Campaigns were conducted in a secure atmosphere. All the candidates traversed all corners of the country without any hinderence. The security forces apart from providing security, did not expressily demonstrate partician tendencies. It was only during Museveni's campaign rally at Kiryandongo that his bodyguard shot at people and killed one. The other incident involved the murder of a DP parliamentary candidate in Kasese. Under Museveni's Uganda, NRM Cadres and members of the security forces are involved in curtailing the campaign efforts of the opposition, disrupting of opposition campain rallies through deliberate arrests and shooting, multiple voting by soldiers and theirs families, blocking the opposition from accessing the media, distribution of bribes to voters etc.
Shortly after the close of the polls, the DP started announcing the results in its favour. Immagine the DP had a free access to the national radio, an act that would amount to treason/terrorism under the current Museveni rule. When, approached by the External Observer Mission, the DP leader, Paulo Ssemogerere admitted to those announcements as being innacurate and urged his supporters to restrain. This is what prompted Paulo Muwanga the Chairman of the Military Commission to assume the Electoral Commission's role of announcing the final results. No doubt, Museveni who was the Vice Chairman of the Military Commission fully approved the move otherwise he should have protested or at worst relinguished his position.
The UPC and Obote were declared the winners of the elections and the DP accepted to form the opposition. Museveni and his UPM freely and fairly lost in each and every part of Uganda save for one Parliamentary seat in Kasese of Dr. Kiyonga after the prefered DP candidate was murdered eve of the polls. Even in his home village, Museveni was not rigged out by UPC but had misserably lost to DP's Sam Kuteesa. Even the local villagers had errased down his plantation in Kanoni sub county in a show of rejection.
Both the EU Observer Mission and the Commonwealth Team reported thus "This has been a valid election exercise which should broadly reflect the freely expressed choice of the people of Uganda."
Therefore, by comparison, the 1980 election was a much fairer exercise than any of the sham elections conducted under the current 27 years old Museveni regime.
INFORMATION IS POWER.
The DP had reasonable support in Buganda and among the Catholics in other parts of Uganda. It had also registered the support of some former UPC members who felt that its UPC and Obote in particular who had cropped up Iddi Amin. Obviously the UPC was set to sweep the entire northern, eastern and a big portion of western regions. The Democratic party had reasonable support in a bigger part of Buganda, the immence catholic presence in Gulu and an equally shared support with UPC in the western region. It is this DP's support among the dominant Catholics in Gulu that was invoked in 1985 for Bazilio Okello to stage a coup against Obote and his UPC. Against that background, no doubt, the little known UPM of Yoweri Museveni and Mayanja Nkangi's CP were just underdogs in the whole tournament.
The 1980 elections were orgnised under the auspice of the Military Commission that was ruling the country at the time. Paulo Muwanga was the Chairman while Yoweri Museveni was the Vice Chairman of that Military commission. Museveni had alot of Confidence in Paulo Muwanga. Earlier, in 1971 he had suggested that Paulo Mwanga should be made the Chaiman of FRONASA. Again in 1985, he secretly met Paulo Mwanga in a German hosipital to work out a coup against Obote. Campaigns were conducted in a secure atmosphere. All the candidates traversed all corners of the country without any hinderence. The security forces apart from providing security, did not expressily demonstrate partician tendencies. It was only during Museveni's campaign rally at Kiryandongo that his bodyguard shot at people and killed one. The other incident involved the murder of a DP parliamentary candidate in Kasese. Under Museveni's Uganda, NRM Cadres and members of the security forces are involved in curtailing the campaign efforts of the opposition, disrupting of opposition campain rallies through deliberate arrests and shooting, multiple voting by soldiers and theirs families, blocking the opposition from accessing the media, distribution of bribes to voters etc.
Shortly after the close of the polls, the DP started announcing the results in its favour. Immagine the DP had a free access to the national radio, an act that would amount to treason/terrorism under the current Museveni rule. When, approached by the External Observer Mission, the DP leader, Paulo Ssemogerere admitted to those announcements as being innacurate and urged his supporters to restrain. This is what prompted Paulo Muwanga the Chairman of the Military Commission to assume the Electoral Commission's role of announcing the final results. No doubt, Museveni who was the Vice Chairman of the Military Commission fully approved the move otherwise he should have protested or at worst relinguished his position.
The UPC and Obote were declared the winners of the elections and the DP accepted to form the opposition. Museveni and his UPM freely and fairly lost in each and every part of Uganda save for one Parliamentary seat in Kasese of Dr. Kiyonga after the prefered DP candidate was murdered eve of the polls. Even in his home village, Museveni was not rigged out by UPC but had misserably lost to DP's Sam Kuteesa. Even the local villagers had errased down his plantation in Kanoni sub county in a show of rejection.
Both the EU Observer Mission and the Commonwealth Team reported thus "This has been a valid election exercise which should broadly reflect the freely expressed choice of the people of Uganda."
Therefore, by comparison, the 1980 election was a much fairer exercise than any of the sham elections conducted under the current 27 years old Museveni regime.
INFORMATION IS POWER.
Thursday, 25 July 2013
WHY WAS MUSEVENI INNITIALY OPPOSED TO THE 1980 ELECTIONS?
During the Moshi conference it had been agreed that general elections would be held within 18 months after the fall of Iddi Amin. During the rule of the Military Commission when the idea was raised, Museveni vehemently opposed it arguing that the country was still undergoing a revolution. Ofcourse, he very well knew that with an election, he would be politically finished. He knew that in an election, the UPC had more chances of wining and then stabilise the country thus quashing his chances of manipulating the military to gain the Presidency.
On 27th May 1980 former President Dr Apollo Milton Obote returned to Uganda ending almost a decade of exile. He landed in Bushenyi the backyard of Museveni's stronghold of Western region. He received a heroe's welcome and that day was to be declared a national heroes day. He returned at a time when the UNLF had been disolved. Most former members of the UNLF had returned to their traditional political parties i.e UPC and DP while others were sitting on the fence. The likes of Prof. Rugumayo, Prof. Dan Wadada Nabudere, Omwony Ojok and Yash Tandon commonly known as The Gang of Four had resorted to armed rebellion under the organisation they called UNLF Anti-Dictatorship. Earlier as Binaisa was topled and placed under house arrest, these four had been summoned to Tanzania, placed under arrest and upon release were banned from returning to Uganda. They had took with them former FRONASA Field Commander, Eriya Mwine aka Sheif Ali who set up bases in the Rwenzori mountains. Obote who had remained the UPC party president no doubt was its flag bearer in forthcoming elections.
The Democratic Party had to select a flag bearer. Former president, Prof. Lule intended to return and vie for the DP presidency but was threatened with arrest by the Military Commission over treasonous allegations. Prof. Lule's popularity was a threat to Museveni's designs. Prof. Lule would have reactivated the nationwide popular structures of the disbanded UNLF and given a real challenge to the UPC. If that would have been the case, what excuse would Museveni have given for resorting to armed rebellion. Paulo Ssemwogerere was picked as DP's flag bearer. Museveni who up to that moment was a member of UPC opportunistically entered into negotiations with DP for his membership but he soon withdrew. The weaker Conservative Party (CP) had Mayanja Nkangi as its flag bearer.
The DP and UPC were the traditional political parties and no doubt general elections in Uganda at the time meant a contest between the two. However there existed a call for a departure from the two tradional parties to a 'third force' ; a new political party. Leading the call were mostly former UPC cadres notably Bidandi Sali, Akena P'Ojok, Ruhakana Rugunda, Matia Kasaija, Buzaabo, Prof Kabwegyere and others. Innitially, it was named Uganda Labour Congress but later it became Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM) with Museveni as its flag bearer. Museveni had urged that because UPC had a leader from the northern region and the DP had a leader from Buganda region, the UPM needed a leades from his Western region. Museveni's selection to lead UPM was protested by a number of founding members led by Prof. Kabwejere to rejoin the DP and UPC. Museveni had approached both the DP and the UPM on the ticket of having been leading a faction of the army (FRONASA) and being the Vice Chairman of the powerful ruling Military Commission thus a counter balance to UPC's military muscle.
Museveni had opposed the 1980 elections because he rightly feared that he would come out of it politically deflated. With love for militaristic approach to public affairs, he does not believe in democratic elections. Indeed those elections delayed his rising to the Presidency through military means.
INFORMATION IS POWER.
On 27th May 1980 former President Dr Apollo Milton Obote returned to Uganda ending almost a decade of exile. He landed in Bushenyi the backyard of Museveni's stronghold of Western region. He received a heroe's welcome and that day was to be declared a national heroes day. He returned at a time when the UNLF had been disolved. Most former members of the UNLF had returned to their traditional political parties i.e UPC and DP while others were sitting on the fence. The likes of Prof. Rugumayo, Prof. Dan Wadada Nabudere, Omwony Ojok and Yash Tandon commonly known as The Gang of Four had resorted to armed rebellion under the organisation they called UNLF Anti-Dictatorship. Earlier as Binaisa was topled and placed under house arrest, these four had been summoned to Tanzania, placed under arrest and upon release were banned from returning to Uganda. They had took with them former FRONASA Field Commander, Eriya Mwine aka Sheif Ali who set up bases in the Rwenzori mountains. Obote who had remained the UPC party president no doubt was its flag bearer in forthcoming elections.
The Democratic Party had to select a flag bearer. Former president, Prof. Lule intended to return and vie for the DP presidency but was threatened with arrest by the Military Commission over treasonous allegations. Prof. Lule's popularity was a threat to Museveni's designs. Prof. Lule would have reactivated the nationwide popular structures of the disbanded UNLF and given a real challenge to the UPC. If that would have been the case, what excuse would Museveni have given for resorting to armed rebellion. Paulo Ssemwogerere was picked as DP's flag bearer. Museveni who up to that moment was a member of UPC opportunistically entered into negotiations with DP for his membership but he soon withdrew. The weaker Conservative Party (CP) had Mayanja Nkangi as its flag bearer.
The DP and UPC were the traditional political parties and no doubt general elections in Uganda at the time meant a contest between the two. However there existed a call for a departure from the two tradional parties to a 'third force' ; a new political party. Leading the call were mostly former UPC cadres notably Bidandi Sali, Akena P'Ojok, Ruhakana Rugunda, Matia Kasaija, Buzaabo, Prof Kabwegyere and others. Innitially, it was named Uganda Labour Congress but later it became Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM) with Museveni as its flag bearer. Museveni had urged that because UPC had a leader from the northern region and the DP had a leader from Buganda region, the UPM needed a leades from his Western region. Museveni's selection to lead UPM was protested by a number of founding members led by Prof. Kabwejere to rejoin the DP and UPC. Museveni had approached both the DP and the UPM on the ticket of having been leading a faction of the army (FRONASA) and being the Vice Chairman of the powerful ruling Military Commission thus a counter balance to UPC's military muscle.
Museveni had opposed the 1980 elections because he rightly feared that he would come out of it politically deflated. With love for militaristic approach to public affairs, he does not believe in democratic elections. Indeed those elections delayed his rising to the Presidency through military means.
INFORMATION IS POWER.
Viele GruBe
Robukui
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