{UAH} Clearing the air to avoid misunderstanding

As Uganda politics heats up in anticipation NRM might exit, there is a lot of blaming going around in an attempt to score against opponents. I have been caught up in the game. I therefore want to clear the air using a few illustrations lest I am misunderstood.

But first let me state that my character has been fashioned by evidence-based truth-telling, consistency and responsiveness to queries as appropriate. Second, when you are afraid of defeat, embarrassment, insult and humiliation you will never make progress. Many people who have succeeded have learned from their own mistakes.  

Uganda is at a critical juncture and we should not be afraid to suggest alternative ways to get Uganda back on track. Now let me clear the air on the following issues.

Consistency

In my debates and publications I have insisted that you can't ignore history because it shapes the present. You can't understand Uganda without analyzing it within the Great Lakes region context. At a narrower level, you can't understand Uganda without understanding Buganda and the latter's historical links with the rest of the country. I have insisted that in analyzing Uganda's political economy we should not fear or favor anyone. I have therefore resisted the temptation to appease any particular group in return for political support.

I have insisted that all Ugandans are born free and equal in rights and dignity. Therefore Uganda governments must create an enabling environment so that every Ugandans enjoys his/her civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights.

I have insisted that our political battle should be directed at the NRM system in a historical perspective, not at one or a few individuals. I have also insisted that the NRM regime should be replaced by a broad-based transitional government including NRM members with impeccable record. The government should be led by a presidential team/council that should organize a comprehensive population census and then convene a national convention so that Ugandans debate and decide how they want to be governed.

I have insisted that the East African political federation must be gradually and incrementally constructed from the ground up. You can't build a house starting with the roof as some are suggesting.

I have insisted that Uganda's economic structure needs to be transformed by engaging in manufacturing enterprises underpinned by appropriate infrastructure, institutions and capable human capital within the context of public-private partnership.

I have insisted that everyone should give their views unmolested and let the people of Uganda decide. Not least, I have insisted that we must keep Uganda as is. Disintegration or secession may create more problems connected with territorial and individual self-determination demands. The problem in Uganda is leadership that is sectarian and corrupt. That is what we need to change, not to break up the country. We should remind ourselves about the human suffering in the wake of the split between India and Pakistan in 1947.

Truth-telling    

I believe very strongly that when you tell the truth based on good research you can't be defeated easily. What I have said and written is based on research of many years. I have focused on understanding problems in the Great Lakes Region. By and large ethnicity is not the principal problem. It is greed for power that forces individuals to resort to sectarianism to mobilize political support. Take Rwanda for example. Between 1962 and 1994, the conflict in the country was not between Tutsi and Hutu. It was between Hutu in the south and Hutu in the north fighting for power.  

Studying Uganda politics shows that the struggle has not been between Bantu in the south and Nilotics in the north. It has been the Nilotics in the south fighting the Nilotics in the north. It was Obote a Nilotic from the north fighting with Ibingira, a Nilotic from the south in Obote I. Then it was Obote, a Nilotic from the North fighting Museveni a Nilotic from the south in Obote II. Look at the people fighting for political control in Uganda today. Kizza Besigye, Mugisha Muntu, David Sejusa and Yoweri Museveni are Nilotic Tutsi from the south battling with Olara Otunnu and Nobert Mao Nilotics from the north.

Furthermore, except Nobert Mao, all these contenders are Protestants. So where is the religious conflict? Obote filled powerful cabinet positions with Catholics including Babiiha, Obwangor, Bataringaya and Onama.

Baganda are complaining that they have been marginalized politically since independence especially under western dominated government of Museveni and are threatening to settle scores. But the evidence paints a different picture. Baganda have had the following presidents: Mutesa, Lule, Binaisa and if you will Muwanga as chair of the military commission with executive powers. Baganda have also occupied the post of Vice President including Muwanga, Kisseka, Bukenya and Ssekandi. Prime Ministers include Kisseka, Musoke and Nsibambi. Ssemogerere and Abu Mayanja occupied the second and third deputy prime minster posts. Katumba Wamala has served as Inspector General of Police and is currently army commander. Ssekandi served as Speaker of Parliament before promotion to the post of Vice President. These are facts.

Responding to queries   

Ttabamiruka meeting: some people expected me to attend the meeting as I did last year and the year before. For the meetings in Boston and New Jersey, I was formally invited. This time I was not invited and therefore did not attend. I have been advised that the meetings are open to the public. I am going to confirm that with the officials and will make every effort to attend next year. I found the discussions and cultural events very useful.

Radio Munansi: I enjoyed the English program which I anchored every Saturday and Sunday for almost three years. All along I had been informed I was doing well and had many listeners. Suddenly, the program went off the air without prior warning. Sad but true.

Freedom and Unity Front (FUF): Some people could not understand why I attended The Hague meeting in November 2013 and declined to attend the London meeting in December 2013 where FUF was formed. The truth is that I was not invited. One of the FUF members called me and urged me to join or work with them. I was advised someone would call me to discuss the way forward. I did not receive the call to this day.

On my initiative I contacted a friend who has direct access to David Sejusa so we can talk. I was advised it was not possible. Instead I was directed to deal with Prof. Amii Omara-Otunnu. Our first conversation lasted almost an hour. We agreed to talk again.

When Uganda Parliament passed the Anti-homosexual bill, I thought this was the occasion when we could issue a joint statement. I was told to wait until consultations were made and decisions taken on this and how to work together. I never got a response.

Upon consultation I decided to publish the questions I wanted FUF leadership to clarify before a definitive decision was made on the way forward. David was unhappy with the questions and in his response which appeared in The London Evening Post he described me as insane, bankrupt and sectarian. Then I made comments on the FUF manifesto and the article written by Helen Epstein on Sejusa and Museveni which appeared in April 2014 in the New York Review of Books and subsequently commented on their first publication on Uganda situation analysis. The critique was constructive, pointing out what needs to be done to produce a better product next time. No comments were made on my contribution.

When David lost his mother-in-law, I sent him directly a message of condolences. He chose to acknowledge receipt of my message through a third party. That is the story I am filing to clear the air.

Refusal to communicate with leaderless organizations: There are organizations including Wakeup Uganda that make reckless statements about what I am doing. I have responded for the sake of public consumption but have indicated that I will find it difficult to deal with organizations whose leaders refuse to give their names. I have provided my email address so we can have a private conversation. I am still waiting for a response.

It is now a requirement that panelists give their bios. And those participants who make comments also give their names and the organizations they work for so there is a record and accountability.

Readers of Face book and Ugandans at Heart should insist as some have done that we should get real names of those who contribute especially those who choose to distort or smear the character of individuals they are uncomfortable with.

Summing up: The accusations that I have lost focus, become a liar and traitor, etc are baseless. I have remained consistent, focused and told the truth without fear or favor. 

Joining with other groups should be based on some criteria. Coming together for the simple reason of removing Museveni or NRM from power without agreeing on what to do the morning after is not very attractive to me.

History shows that when diametrically opposed groups come together for the sole reason to overthrow the government largely by military means turn against one another and end up in a vicious civil war. That is why I have suggested a transitional government – formed after a non-violent removal of NRM regime – led by a presidential team. Those interested can join with us in UDU and THP.

Eric Kashambuzi

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