{UAH} IDDI AMIN NEVER TARGETED LANGIs/ACHOLIs, THEY TARGETED HIM {---Series One-Hundred and seventy-seven}

Friends

 

There was a second peak of terror in February 2004, just after the creation of a local militia, the Amuka boys. The LRA, having been attacked by the militia, sought revenge and brutally massacred hundreds of people in two horrific attacks. More than fifty people were killed in Abyia, on 4 February, when the LRA, disguised as Amuka boys, entered the camp in broad daylight and started shooting. The second attack, and one that caught the world's attention, took place in Barlonyo on 21 February 2004. More than 300 people, mostly women and children were killed. Many died as they were forced to stay in their huts as the rebels set fire to them and burned whole families alive. In addition to the heavy death toll, these attacks left many physically wounded, and the whole district mentally scarred. Besides the terror, life in the rural camps was a nightmare. Assistance was not forthcoming. Malnutrition was rampant. None of the rural camps received food distributions until the end of April 2004. Malnutrition was further compounded by the total lack of health services. Health workers had fled when the violence first hit the district and all health centres were closed.

 

These are some of the paragraphs that one reads and shakes his head on how a tribe can decide to be this violent at its self. And it is these writings that must push us to put a red flag on Acholi violence, if they can turn their own  people to death this badly, what damage can they do in a region of a different tribe? When  you read all these reports you wonder why men like George Okello only talk about Museveni atrocities but never Acholi atrocities. These organizations yes write reports to suite their agenda but can they seriously lie that much? Médecins Sans Frontières Wrote a report and titled it "Life in Northern Uganda All Shades of Grief and Fear"  We are posting from page 4

 

Ugandans we need to discuss Acholi violence but candidly.

 

 

THE RAVAGES OF WAR

 

Traditionally, the people of northern Uganda lived in homesteads, with only a few families living within the same area. The land around the homestead was farmed for subsistence food, and shallow wells provided water. Normally not more than one or two families used the well, so contamination was rare. Villagers would gather on market day. Communal planting was customary for women as a way to socialize and get away from the burdens of the family. Each night families sat together for a fireside chat called "wang oo" and listened to stories. Family burials near to the homestead were a vital feature in northern Ugandan culture. As a result of the ongoing war every aspect of life has been disrupted. Fear has become an integral part of everyday existence. Hundreds of thousands of people have been forced to flee from their homes, either due to direct attack by the LRA or by order of the government forcing them into "protected villages". This type of settlement, organised by the government as part of their military strategy to undermine LRA support, usually lacks basic facilities and services essential for subsistence. The objective of security underpins the logic and influences the layout of the camps, in which the centre is seen as most secure. The fight for the centre has led to massive overcrowding and congestion. Huts are built too close to one another, and can house up to ten people who sleep jam-packed all in a row. Living in such close quarters is unnatural to most northern Ugandans and felt as an offence to a family's dignity. Chronic water shortages impose hardships on the population. In most settlements, collecting water is a choice between risking disease, being subject to violence, and waiting in line for long periods of time. People have been surviving on amounts well below any minimum standard. Food consumption patterns have drastically changed. The majority of those living in settlements are reliant on food aid. With little other food available and few other options of supplementing their income, people eat only one meal per day. Hunger and the struggle to find food are considered the worst aspects of living in the settlements. Death rates from preventable diseases such as malaria and diarrhoea are at emergency levels in many camps in Northern Uganda. Lethal communicable diseases such as cholera have emerged in Pabbo camp (Gulu) in late 2004 due to congestion, inadequate water supply, and poor hygiene. The flight of health staff has led to a total lack of health care in some rural areas, whilst others remain chronically understaffed. Lack of referral options for emergency cases is of grave concern in the entire area, as for the most part there are no ambulances and patients who need urgent referral seldom have enough cash to pay for private transport.2 Continued exposure to violence, repeated child abductions, and soaring mortality have led to high levels of trauma among the population. Depression and post-traumatic stress disorder are becoming more common, while suicide, a cultural taboo, is a growing phenomenon as the burden of daily struggle becomes too much for many.

 

1.     ACHOLI REGION: GULU

Gulu is the regional capital of Acholi and significant politically as the place where the war began. The overall picture of Gulu is one of severe destitution. The long encampment of eight years has reduced this once self-reliant population to a setting of dependency, idleness, and debilitating uncertainty with respect to what the future may hold. Large numbers of people left their homes following orders of the government in both 1996 and 2002, under the pretence that the population would be safer in protected villages. This forced displacement has resulted in a current total of fifty camps in the district hosting approximately 80% of the total population of Gulu. Night commuting has been a regular feature in Gulu for many years. However, within the last two years numbers have ballooned. Due both to the increase in violence and the pull factor offered by the assistance provided by national and international agencies in Gulu town, numbers have tripled from approximately 4,000 commuting each night in early 2003 to more than 13,000 in October 2003. In 2004, numbers were estimated to be as high as 22,000, largely children, which came into Gulu town each night. Insecurity, characterised by frequent attacks and ambushes, combined with a slow descent into abject poverty, has impacted every way of life for the camp population in Gulu district. Confinement in camps has had a tremendous impact on people's experiences and perceptions. Many have not been able to go back to their land since they fled almost eight years ago. Fear is reinforced by the lack of contact with other areas of the country. There is a whole generation of children whom have been born in these settlements and have not experienced life outside the camps Although a few have access to small plots of land within the camp, the produce of those small gardens is not enough to feed a family. The majority of the people rely entirely on food aid. Food distributions take place about five times a year and are based on a monthly ration to be consumed over time, and supposed to last until the next distribution. However, people are reluctant to store food in their huts. Fear of LRA attacks and looting often results on people selling part of their ration, which leaves them with nothing after two or three weeks. "There is so little food", Sarah says, "There are seven of us and we rely on the UN to bring us our food. We are never sure when it will come. Sometimes three months can pass and then they bring it and then it only lasts for three weeks. After food distributions, we fear that the LRA will come and steal it. We don't like to keep food in the house. To supplement when the food runs out, I work in one of the camp gardens to get some extra money. I only go when it is safe. In the last weeks (October 2004) the rebels have been there. The soldiers tell us that they are there and then we don't go ". Overcrowding, lack of clean water and limited sanitation led to a serious cholera epidemic in Pabbo in October 2004. There is only one latrine for every eleven households and clean water within the camp is limited to twenty protected water points. Over 3,000 people depend on each point to cover all their water needs. Unprotected water sources are used on a regular basis and contamination has led to the easy spread of cholera. Sarah told us "There are so many diseases in the camp. I constantly worry that my children will get sick and die. I am not sure how to protect them. My neighbour has lost two of her four children to disease in the last two years. Now her other child is very sick and she doesn't know what is wrong with him". Attacks, incursions, and abduction of children by the LRA are commonplace. The army responds to the insecurity by imposing a strict curfew on the population at night. If anyone is found outside their hut after dark they are routinely arrested and accused of being a rebel. This has lead to a strained relationship between the people and the army, with a lack of respect and trust on both sides

 

2.     ACHOLI REGION: PADER

Pader District was created in 2001. Kitgum District was split in two, and two of the counties in the lower part of the district became Pader. Created in the midst of the conflict, Pader has always been "a new district that never got what it needed", as described by one camp dweller. Pader has been affected by LRA presence and attacks for many years. In the beginning, people often spent the night in the bush outside their homesteads in order to avoid violence and abduction during nightly attacks on their villages. Massive displacement occurred in September 2002 when, in a radio-transmitted message, the government army instructed the population to leave their homes and move into protected villages within forty-eight hours. People who later returned to their abandoned homes reported them looted, with granaries plundered and crops destroyed. By 2004, twenty-four camps had been established, hosting a total of 290,000 people, almost the entire population of the district. There is no economic base on which to build, and very little infrastructure. Although Pader Town Centre, the district capital, received telephone coverage in mid-2004 and an airstrip a few months later, the town is still little more than a displaced people's camp. The isolation of Pader is exacerbated by the fact that it has long been considered the epicentre of LRA activity, with parts of the district believed to be under (de facto) control of the LRA. Indeed, Pader is one of the worst affected districts when it comes to abductions of civilians, including children. The conflict and lack of sufficient assistance have had a devastating impact in Pader. Prior to the establishment of a permanent MSF base in Pader in July 2004, the humanitarian community's engagement with the district was mostly limited to Kalongo, a town with a displaced population of 60,000 in the northeast of the district and accessible by plane. The district health authorities are running a health centre which clearly cannot meet the basic health care needs of a growing population. Even today, other camps still receive virtually no assistance, and the little that is forthcoming is provided through "remote control" programmes run by organisations operating from bases in surrounding districts, mainly from Kitgum town. At the time of writing, a few agencies are planning to increase activities in Pader district. In August this year, MSF opened an additional clinic with a specific focus to reduce mortality due to the main morbidities (i.e. malaria) in the most vulnerable groups, especially children under five years of age.

 

3.     TESO REGION: SOROTI

 

Small scale displacement caused by neighbouring Karamajong cattle rustlers in the Teso region has occurred for more than two decades ago, and has resulted in several camps in Katakwi district. The Teso rebellion in 1985 also resulted in large scale displacement when people were forced into a "protected" camp by the government in 1990. When the LRA entered the Teso region in June 2003, its confrontation with the government and locally formed militias caused an escalation in violence that displaced approximately 250,000 people, mostly in Katakwi, Kabermaido and Soroti districts. Mass killings, looting and burning of houses and land, and abductions of children became common. Tens of thousands of people from villages in Soroti and Katakwi district poured into Soroti town in search of safety. Kabermaido residents mostly fled to nearby village camps or trading centres, surviving without any assistance and facing severe shortages of food and water. Assessments done by MSF in camps in Soroti town between June and November 2003 reflected the dramatic situation faced by the 100,000 people who settled there. Extremely high numbers of deaths were reported, with seventy-five percent of adult deaths directly related to violence. Unacceptably high numbers of children died from preventable diseases such as measles between mid-October and mid-November. A mortality survey covering the period between June and November 2003 revealed that the crude mortality was 4.2 per 10,000 per day, and 10.4 per 10,000 per day for children under five.4 By late 2003 the majority of the LRA left Teso region and moved into Lira district. A few months later, some of those who had sought refuge in Soroti town started to return home to rebuild their homes. The return process has been slow, and will take many more months. Many people still fear that the LRA or the Karamajong will return and destroy everything once again.

 

4.     LANGO REGION: LIRA

 

Although Lira had experienced hit and run raids by the LRA throughout 2002, the majority of the violence and subsequent displacement took place in 2003 and 2004. The LRA entered Lira district with a vengeance in November 20036 causing massive population movements from rural villages to Lira town and trading centres throughout the district. Overcrowded and unprotected, the camps have proven to be death traps. Populations have been cut off from their livelihoods, and are barely surviving with little water, deplorable sanitation, and no health services, in some cases, for more than a year. This has contributed to emergency high death rates, widespread disease, fear and trauma. By early November 2003, as many as 65,000 people had already fled into Lira town. In less than a month, the numbers grew to more than 200,000. People were scattered throughout the city. Some were living in makeshift camps while others sought shelter in an abandoned factory, in the railway station, under verandas or in the street. "People were everywhere and anywhere they could find a place to lay their head. And still at night the population ballooned as, mostly children, funnelled into town in search of safety7 " There was a second peak of terror in February 2004, just after the creation of a local militia, the Amuka boys. The LRA, having been attacked by the militia, sought revenge and brutally massacred hundreds of people in two horrific attacks. More than fifty people were killed in Abyia, on 4 February, when the LRA, disguised as Amuka boys, entered the camp in broad daylight and started shooting. The second attack, and one that caught the world's attention, took place in Barlonyo on 21 February 2004. More than 300 people, mostly women and children were killed. Many died as they were forced to stay in their huts as the rebels set fire to them and burned whole families alive. In addition to the heavy death toll, these attacks left many physically wounded, and the whole district mentally scarred. Besides the terror, life in the rural camps was a nightmare. Assistance was not forthcoming. Malnutrition was rampant. None of the rural camps received food distributions until the end of April 2004. Malnutrition was further compounded by the total lack of health services. Health workers had fled when the violence first hit the district and all health centres were closed8 . Initially, MSF's health and nutrition interventions in the rural camps were limited to mobile clinics due to widespread insecurity9 . A therapeutic feeding centre (TFC) for severely malnourished children was set up in Lira town. Hunger, disease, lack of water and terror have had a devastating impact on people. Surveys conducted by MSF in October 2004 in five internally displaced people's camps in Lira district found a crude mortality rate (CMR) of 2.8 deaths/10,000 people per day for the general population.10 The mortality rate was even more alarming among children under five years of age at 5.2 deaths/10,000 children a day, with the rate as high as 10.5 deaths/10,000 children a day in one location. These staggering death rates are largely attributable to malaria and diarrhoea, which are

in principle easily preventable and curable diseases.

 

 

Stay in the forum for Series One hundred and seventy-eight on the way   ------>

EM

On the 49^th Parallel          

                 Thé Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja and Dr. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda is in anarchy"
                    Kuungana Mulindwa Mawasiliano Kikundi
"Pamoja na Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja na Dk. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda ni katika machafuko"