{UAH} IDDI AMIN NEVER TARGETED LANGIs/ACHOLIs, THEY TARGETED HIM {---Series two-Hundred and fourteen}

CURRENT PSYCHO-SOCIAL LANDSCAPE

Three major features emerge from the findings:

1) Asked whether it is better to forget about what happened in the past or to think about it, most respondents

said that while it would be best to be able to put the past behind them, it is not possible to do so as

long as they continue to suffer its consequences, including exile.

 

They noted that once someone starts thinking or speaking about the conflict, their mood alters and it can take

a long time for them to regain equilibrium. Some therefore actively seek to avoid consciously revisiting their

memories of the conflict, as doing so carries with it a danger of being overwhelmed by negative emotions

which render them unable to function in the present. In the context of displacement, however, these attempts

at maintaining an emotional equilibrium are constantly jeopardised by the fact that ostensibly everyday difficulties,

which under other circumstances would simply be regarded as part of the challenges of day-to-day

life, instead trigger memories of conflict and associated emotional turmoil. When talking of the issue of school

fees, for example, many respondents stated that they are likely to mourn anew the loss of relatives whom they

could have approached for assistance, or the loss of land which would have provided them the means to raise

funds. This is compounded by reminders of the past in the form of taunts and discrimination from non-northern

neighbours. For the IDPs in Kampala, therefore, the war is not a past event but a continuing crisis which

affects their day to day functioning.

 

2) The majority of adult respondents think of their stay in Kampala as exile and express the wish to return

to the north. Those interviewed do not feel that remaining in Kampala is a viable durable solution, pointing

to lack of access to land (and therefore inability to farm and be self-sustaining), discrimination in employment

and education, and sometimes overt hostility from surrounding communities as reasons for why they experience

their displacement as exile.

When asked why they have not returned north to date, respondents cited a number of psychological and

physical obstacles. Most indicated that they would require facilitation to return, including money for transport

and some form of assistance to cover the initial period while they were waiting for their first harvest to mature.

A number made the explicit link between this assistance and the government's obligation to compensate

them for losses suffered during the war. Thus, assistance in overcoming the effects of exile was seen as one

crucial form of reparations (which includes material compensation). The desire to return was tempered with

doubts about whether the peace would last, concerns about lack of infrastructure in the north and the fear

of unquiet spirits now haunting the land.20 An additional problem is posed by relatives who died in Kampala

and were buried here, and whose bones their families are unwilling to abandon. Finally, some respondents

indicated they feared isolation or crime upon return, as the communities in the north are perceived as lacking

cohesion. Some of those living in Kampala are furthermore reluctant to abandon the social networks they

have managed to establish in exile in exchange for an uncertain future.

 

Contrary to the majority of adults, however, children (especially those born in Kampala or too young to remember

the war), expressed strong reservations about return. While some of the children voiced a desire to

"go home", many felt great apprehension at the prospect, stating that they feared being abducted by Kony or

being killed, despite the absence of LRA attacks in Uganda since 2006. The children's extreme anxiety seems to

be primarily generated by the stories told to them by elders who are often distressed and overwhelmed when

they speak of the past. It seems at least some of the children have internalised this distress and see the north

as an unsafe place full of suffering in which war could erupt at any time. Such a finding is consistent with what

is known about transgenerational trauma, whereby the emotional content and anxiety of the original trauma

is passed onto the future generation, sometimes divorced from its factual context.21 Given the duration of

the northern conflict it would not be surprising to find a number of such transgenerational effects, perhaps

meriting further research.

 

Another discrete sub-set of respondents, the elderly, felt overwhelming hopelessness regarding both return

and the future as a whole. Many have suffered multiple losses often involving most or all family members as

well as their homes.22 While culturally the elders are viewed as a source of wisdom, and can expect to be

catered for by the younger generation, those we spoke to indicated that all or most of their children were

dead (either from direct violence in the conflict or from HIV/AIDS). The elderly are often the sole caregivers

of orphans left behind by their children. They decry the cultural loss they perceive as the consequence of

grandchildren growing up in Kampala, the loss of the future generation's educational opportunities (since

the grandparents often cannot afford to send the kids to school), and the loss of traditional ways of coping. It

was explained to us that in the normal course of events those now in their fifties and sixties would have been

instructed by their elders on the significance and proper maintenance of specific traditions, including those

related to reconciliation and conflict resolution. However, the war and subsequent flight to Kampala disrupted

this process, so that some of those we spoke to felt inadequate as conveyors of cultural knowledge. Many

of the elderly expressed a yearning to go home (sometimes in order to die and be buried there), combined

with the belief that it will never happen. Some expressed doubt that the war will indeed end, but most simply

believed that it would be too difficult for them to start over in the village with nobody to help them build a

house or plant crops.

 

3) A sense of helplessness and disempowerment, especially as regards the future of the country and their

community, is common among many respondents. They make explicit links between past trauma, present

circumstances, and anticipated future difficulties, and demonstrate considerable concern about what is

best described as transgenerational trauma.

 

The sense of helplessness appears to stem from people's general feelings that, having been exiled, they are no

longer in control of their own lives. It is also consistent with the sense of disempowerment and loss of control

(as well as the sense of a foreshortened future) central to PTSD.23 When asked to speculate about the future

of the peace process, some of those interviewed stated with resignation that such speculation was pointless,

as only those at the top (i.e., Joseph Kony and Yoweri Museveni) could know what turn events would take.

The war is blamed for having forced people into exile and for damaging community bonds and trust, as well

as physically or psychologically destroying the younger generation. For evidence of the destructive effects of

exile respondents pointed to the community's many social problems (including selfishness, theft, poverty,

alcoholism, violence, promiscuity and cultural loss).24 These problems are perceived as having an adverse and

lasting effect on the children, which leads to feelings of hopelessness regarding the future among their elders.

The high drop-out rate of those urban IDP children who manage to enrol in school was noted as something

that could pose future threats to a lasting peace. When questioned, adults often expressed concern that the

children are likely to become robbers, thieves and drunkards. The children themselves expressed bitterness

regarding their current circumstances, and described having revenge fantasies against those who harmed

their families.

 

One outcome of this situation is a highly fragmented community in which unresolved trauma continues to

interfere with present human relations. While people do still seek comfort from friends and spouses, such

attempts are often undermined by a fear of betrayal, retaliation or ridicule. This relates to one of the most

brutal features of the northern conflict which has been the breaking of family bonds and of cultural taboos.25

In particular, those who have been combatants are known or suspected to have committed atrocities against

their own people (and often their own immediate families) and many respondents reported having witnessed

acts calculated to destroy their trust in humanity (such as the cooking and eating of human beings).

On a broader scale, the war and its accompanying atrocities also heightened people's mistrust of both the

LRA and the government, which was blamed for not providing adequate protection, turning a blind eye to

the atrocities committed by its own army, and generally dragging out a resolution of the conflict for political

reasons.

 

The degree of fragmentation evident in the community is a source of great concern to respondents, though

attribution of responsibility for this varies. For example, both men and women frequently describe the opposite

gender in hostile terms. Men are painted by women as irresponsible, violent, and lazy drunkards who

abandon their pregnant partners, or at the very least waste the family's meagre resources (earned primarily

by women) on alcohol. Women are accused by men of neglecting their children, being promiscuous and

insufficiently sympathetic to their men. Each gender views the other as a potential liability and a source of

disease: women fear that men will bring HIV home from the extramarital affairs they indulge in while drunk,

and men are afraid that their wives may have been infected by HIV as many of them were raped during the

course of the conflict. The young girls interviewed frequently view boys as potential rapists or seducers,

while the girls themselves are perceived by boys and others to be "prostitutes".

 

COMMUNITY AND INDIVIDUAL COPING

When asked how they dealt with negative emotions (including memories of the war and current difficulties),

many respondents listed prayer or work as their primary coping mechanism. A high proportion of

those interviewed described themselves either as born-again (saved) Christians or stated that they were considering

becoming saved. Often, being saved was presented as an antidote to intrusive memories and was

endorsed by those with particularly troubled pasts.26 This was especially the case for ex-combatants who

themselves admitted to having committed atrocities. Interestingly, several born-again pastors interviewed

indicated that their faith emphasized the importance of beginning life anew, handing one's burdens over to

Christ and not dwelling on the past. They stated that they do not encourage their flock to revisit past wrongs,

except in the context of praising God for helping them to survive. While some respondents clearly found relief

in prayer, others reported that they continued to suffer from bad dreams and other intrusive symptoms.

The lack of agencies implementing secular psychosocial support services among the urban IDPs may be one

factor which prompts individuals to use church and prayers as spiritual remedies to the psychological consequences

of the conflict.

 

Men and women appeared to employ different coping mechanisms. Women were seen by both male and

female respondents as more likely to express their emotions through crying or talking about what happened

with other women, while it was generally felt that men "swallowed their problems", and spoke of their feelings

only while drunk. Women respondents specifically identified sharing their stories and feelings with other

women (often in the course of other activities such as bead making or crushing stones in the quarry) as part

of the grieving process.

 

Most respondents agreed that alcoholism was an issue in the community, and that it contributed to other

problems such as the spread of HIV/AIDS and domestic violence. It was generally felt that men were more

likely to have problems with alcohol then women, although male respondents were quick to point out that

some women also drink. Men interviewed in the drinking spots generally conceded that they drink to forget

about their problems, and also argued that they drank out of idleness. Alcoholism was judged harshly by most

respondents, male and female alike. It was also sometimes described as a character weakness stemming from

idleness and an inability to face current life problems with equanimity. Some respondents identified sex as a

coping mechanism employed by men (and frequently linked to the issue of alcohol abuse).27 They felt this was

behind the high number of extramarital affairs, which in turn were associated with increased HIV infection

rate and domestic strife.

 

It is thus clear that men who have experienced violence find themselves in a difficult position. Unlike women

they are not expected to voice emotional pain or seek the support of others unless they are drinking. There

are no support groups for men, and aside from prayer, it seems a man has few socially acceptable options for

dealing with the past or with current pressures. Those we interviewed in bars often cited the camaraderie

they feel with their drinking buddies as a main reason for coming back, and also indicated that it is acceptable

for a man to cry or talk about the past while he is drunk. At the same time, however, the social context under

which such sharing takes place is itself stigmatised and leads to new difficulties.

 

While a sense of victimisation and loss of control lies at the heart of all traumatic experience, the feelings of

vulnerability associated with such experience may pose additional challenges to male victims, because they

strike at men's sense of their own masculinity, particularly in a context such as the one described above, which

denies male vulnerability altogether and provides no socially acceptable routes to healing. It does not seem

surprising that some men choose sex and/or alcohol (and the particular social spaces associated with the

latter) as at least partial solutions under such circumstances. Nor is it surprising that many (in particular the

younger respondents) express the desire to join either the rebels or the UPDF as a means of regaining their

sense of integrity as men. Several of the former combatants in particular stated they were considering returning

to the bush where they may have enjoyed some sense of influence over the lives of others. The fact that

men who are unable to reconcile with their past may be easily militarised clearly has profound implications

for the future of the peace process.28

 

 

Stay in the forum for Series two hundred and fifteen on the way   ------>

 

 

EM

On the 49^th Parallel          

                 Thé Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja and Dr. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda is in anarchy"
                    Kuungana Mulindwa Mawasiliano Kikundi
"Pamoja na Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja na Dk. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda ni katika machafuko"