{UAH} WHY MUSEVENI'S FORMER COMRADES ARE LEADING THE OPPOSITION
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WHY MUSEVENI'S FORMER COMRADES ARE LEADING THE OPPOSITION
Uganda's traditional political parties were the DP and UPC. When Museveni opted to fight a guerrilla war against the UPC government in 1981, he rode on the DP ticket which had allegedly been rigged out of victory. He orchestrated a situation of insecurity which he turned around to exploit in order to achieve his childhood ambition of becoming the President of Uganda. In doing so he duped his sympathisers into believing that he was leading a revolution. When he took over power in 1986, he placed the traditional political parties under incarceration for the next ten years. During that period every Ugandan was required by law to belong to his NRM. When the country returned to a semblance of multi-party democracy in the late 1990s, the once powerful traditional political parties were suffering from Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) a situation that has become chronic. The current squabbles within those parties is a reflection of the chronic PTSD which favours of Museveni's designs - divide and rule. Nobert Mao and Jimmy Akena are Museveni's best choices for DP and UPC respectively. It is for the same reason that Police allowed the Lukwago faction to hold a parallel meeting in Luwero.He so successfully concealed his hidden agenda such that it has taken decades for his former comrades and majority Ugandans to come to the reality that they had been duped. Upon realising that they had been duped, his comrades who attempted to challenge him early enough (both in the bush and in government) have been sent 'six feet" as he likes saying.
Majority of his top cadres know that he is such a ruthless dictator who is so obsessed with power such that he can do anything to retain it the same way he treacherously acquired it. They know how dangerous it is to challenge his dictatorship. It is out of this grave fear that many are still stuck there with him while a few have come out toOPENLY
challenge his hold on power. Since those leading the crusade have fallen out at different stages, it is obvious that their reasons also differ thus:
1. Col (Rtd) Dr. Kiiza Besigye - was Museveni's personal physician during the bush war. He is extremely intelligent, resolute and focused. Museveni had identified the intelligence in Dr. Besigye during the bush days such that he not only used him as his personal Doctor but also on other sensitive political assignments. Upon taking over power in 1986 Museveni assigned Dr. Besigye to the Internal Affairs ministry in a wider scheme to keep his independent minded comrades off the military. Later, he was to assign him as the National Political commissar and then Commander of the Mechanised Regiment where he was suspected of plotting against Museveni. In the late 1990s Dr. Besigye took a bold step to courageously question the direction of the so called revolution before he narrowly escaped being incarcerated by the court martial and he retired from the army and declared his intention to run for the presidency. For three times Dr Besigye has been rigged out of victory in presidential elections. He has endured the worstFORMS of brutal repression except death. He is currently traversing the country mobilising Ugandans to reclaim their country. Surprisingly Museveni has restrained his security machinery from blocking Dr. Besigye's tours simply because his running mate Gen Mugisha Muntu is also traversing the countryside but more so because Museveni wants to create a false impression of political sanity for the forthcoming Papal visit. Otherwise, there is no doubt Besigye has the majority support of Ugandans that can afford him victory if the elections were to beFREE and fair. Over time, Ugandans have come to appreciate his message of national salivation.Therefore, Dr. Besigye is not in the race to gain power but to rescue the country from the fangs of a military dictatorship.
2. Gen Mugisha Muntu - being a son of a prominent former staunch UPC founding member, he defiantly fought in the five years bush war. Having served in the intelligence services gives him advantage over Dr. Besigye in defying the dictator or else he gets sent 'six feet deep'. In 1989 Museveni elevated him to the position of Army Chief for the next nine years just because of his unique intelligence, resolute and not being power hungry. Museveni exploited those qualities in Gen Muntu to suppress dissent in the army thus the practice of sidelining (Katebe) can be traced from that time. When Gen MuntuREALISED that Museveni was simply using him to achieve his personal agendas, he defiantly quit the army and even rejected Museveni's offer of the Defense Ministry. Because he has never been power hungry Gen Muntu joined the FDC under Dr. Besigye where he has expressed extra ordinary skills in political organisation. Museveni has not been tough on Gen Muntu because the later is unlike Dr. Besigye is towing a non confrontational line. By choosing not to be confrontational, it is not that Gen Muntu believes that Museveni can democratically relnguish power but it is because he is aware of how dangerous it is to directly confront Museveni. Gen Muntu opted for a gradual building of the FDC capacity but is also aware that the masses are ready to reclaim their country. His line of thinking is influenced by his character as a gentleman and the intelligence background. Unfortunately the regime sees in Gen Muntu a counter balance to Dr. Besigye's confrontational approach. Therefore, it will obviously do everything to ensure that Gen Muntu defeats Dr. Besigye in the FDC party primaries. The scheme will not involve Gen Muntu directly because they know he cant accept to be used onceAGAIN but they will use some of the people in his camp. Otherwise, Gen Muntu is another good leader whose sole interest is to redeem the country but his approach is inapplicable to the situation on the ground.
3, Amama Mbabazi - is one of the few active surviving comrades of Museveni from the days of the struggle against Iddi Amin in the 1970s. During the bush war he served on the NRA's External Wing and upon taking over power in 1986 he served as the Director of External Security. Later on he served in different sensitive ministerial positions related to security and justice. Museveni appointed him Prime Minister and was elected as the party's Secretary General. Mababazi's long time closeness to Museveni was born out of the fact that the former all along believed that Museveni would give way for him to lead the party and the country. It is only after Museveni's schemes to groom his son as his successor that Mbabazi lost hope and embarked on building his own power base within the party. Mbabazi used hid intelligence background to conceal his scheme such that by the time Museveni realised, the scheme had taken root in all party and government structures. Museveni's sole candidacy scheme was meant to intimidate Mbabazi into abandoning his plan. Instead Mbabazi has proved to be a master of deception thus when he declared his intention to seek for the party leadership, Museveni was taken by surprise. This explains the panicky manouvres by the regime to block Mbabazi's candidacy including placing the party constitution above the national constitution. It is not that Museveni fears that Mbabazi cant be rigged out of the contest but his concern lies in exposing his false impression about his popularity in the party and the country. Efforts to harass and intimidate Mbabazi so that he leaves the party and run as an independent candidate is hitting a hard rock. The only weapon at the regime's disposal to is the propaganda that Mbabazi has been at the helm of the regime and that is the architect of the draconian laws. However, they forget that Ugandans very well know that for the last 29 years it is Museveni who has led Uganda and therefore the sole beneficiary of the abuse of those so called draconian laws. Otherwise those laws if well applied benefit all Ugandans but they are being abused to benefit Museveni's designs. On his part Mbabazi has been diplomatic in opposing Museveni which Dr.Besigye once described as "Mbabazi is shy". Mbabazi's calculated approach is precipitated by the fact that he like Gen Muntu knows how much Museveni is obsessed with retaining power but more so by the fact that Museveni is very dangerous in dealing with serious political opponents. Museveni knows how much influence Mbabazi has security services (army and intelligence). Therefore his strengthening and shifting reliance on the newly created regime Police that is fused with the elite and personal SFG and the mushrooming intelligence outfits is his only lifeline. Had it not been for the impending Papal visit Museveni would have already ruthlessly dealt with Mbabazi once and for all. The ongoing so called talks between the regime and Mbabazi are simply meant to buy time as battle lines are being drawn. Otherwise Mbabazi is capable of defeating Museveni both in the party primaries and the national Presidential elections in a free and fair exercise.
4. Gen David Ssejusa - the battle hardened military Gen and distinguished military strategist has since the bush days eyed Museveni's seat. Gen Ssejusa is lucky to have escaped Museveni's scheme to eliminate the influence of Bahiima army officers more especially those from traditionally elite Hima families and the Ankole monarchy in preference for the Bahororo and the Genetically Modified Hima. While still in the bush Gen Ssejusa was reprimanded for defying Museveni's orders after describing them as dictatorial. At the time challenging Museveni was considered as high treason. Shortly before Museveni was sworn in as President in 1986, Ssejusa stood against Museveni in a sham NRC election that elected Museveni to the NRM Chairmanship thus the national Presidency. Like Mbabazi, Gen Ssejusa also all along believed that Museveni would relinquish power to his commrades. The only difference is that Gen Ssejusa realised much earlier than most of his comrades that Museveni had no intention of relinquishing power. During the late 1990s he was suspected of mobilising army officers and political opposition to topple Museveni. His attempt to retire from the army was blocked for fear that he would contest for the Presidency. He was since then sidelined from active military service. Because Gen Ssejusa always believed that Museveni was a military dictator who could only be dislodged from power by military means, he pretended to reconcile with Museveni in the hope that Museveni would bring him closer to the military. Instead Museveni simply kept him on the peripherals of the mainstream military. As usual Museveni used him to suppress political dissent. When Gen Ssejusa realised that Museveni was breeding his son to take over from him and that his position as Coordinator of Intelligence Services only existed on paper, he lost patience and plotted to militarily overthrow him before fleeing to London. In December 2014 Gen Ssejusa returned to Uganda after realising that he risked becoming politically irrelevant if he remained in exile. Since returning from exile the Gen has embarked on sensitizing Ugandans over Museveni's dictatorship. He has been reaching out to major opposition groups and the civil society save for Gen Muntu who has personal differences dating to the time both were in active military service. His message has been simple and clear: "Museveni is a dictator presiding over a military dictatorship who can only be forced out of power." His request to retire from active military service has been turned down for fea . Shortly before Museveni was sworn in as President in 1986, Ssejusa stood against Museveni in a sham NRC election that elected Museveni to the NRM Chairmanship thus the national Presidency. Like Mbabazi, Gen Ssejusa also all along believed that Museveni would relinquish power to his comrades. The only difference is that Gen Ssejusa realised much earlier than most of hisother comrades that Museveni had no intention of relinquishing power. During the late 1990s he was suspected of mobilising army officers and political opposition to topple Museveni. His attempt to retire from the army was blocked for fe fear that he will contest for the Presidency. The regime has not been tough on Gen Ssejusa simply because it hopes that since he is interested in taking power, he may return to it if he does not fit into the the current opposition political groupings. But more so the fear that getting tough on Gen Ssejusa may prompt an explosion within the military more especially the predominant Hima top command. Depending on the political terrain in the coming days and since his aides are facing charges of treason, its a question of time before the Gen will be arrested and incarcerated.
5. Prof Gilbert Bukenya - is one of the top members of NRM who are categorised at Twaliires (late comers) for his late entry into the NRM. He is not a former comrade of Museveni because he appointed him Vice President just to win the Ganda, Catholic and DP vote. As usual when his usefulness has been exhausted he was dumped after being accused of plotting with ethnic Ganda army officers against Museveni. His son died in a 'motor accident' before completing a military Cadet Course; who by now he would be deputising Museveni's son Brig Muhoozi in the SFG. The Prof had believed that he would succeed Museveni not until he realised that his son was systematically eliminated. Prof Bukenya may not be very influential in both the ruling party and opposition circles but he is a gifted political mobiliser.
Conclusion
It is because of the feeling of betrayal that opposition to Museveni is spearheaded by Museveni's former comrades. Those leaders represent the voiceless, intimidated, oppressed and traumatised millions of Ugandans. Museveni is so much aware that majority of Ugandans are yearning for change which he is not willing to allow and hisONLY OPTION is to use force to retain power. However, his schemes to deliver a decisive blow on his opponents is being bogged down by the impending Papal visit to Uganda that is slated for end of November 2015. Museveni intends to gain alot of political capital from that visit thus why he is now pretending to be tolerant to political dissent. However, immediately after the Pope's visit when the world will turn its eyes off Uganda, he will deliver a blow to all that 'nonsense' and then he will be back in power.
INFORMATION IS POWER
Majority of his top cadres know that he is such a ruthless dictator who is so obsessed with power such that he can do anything to retain it the same way he treacherously acquired it. They know how dangerous it is to challenge his dictatorship. It is out of this grave fear that many are still stuck there with him while a few have come out toOPENLY
challenge his hold on power. Since those leading the crusade have fallen out at different stages, it is obvious that their reasons also differ thus:1. Col (Rtd) Dr. Kiiza Besigye - was Museveni's personal physician during the bush war. He is extremely intelligent, resolute and focused. Museveni had identified the intelligence in Dr. Besigye during the bush days such that he not only used him as his personal Doctor but also on other sensitive political assignments. Upon taking over power in 1986 Museveni assigned Dr. Besigye to the Internal Affairs ministry in a wider scheme to keep his independent minded comrades off the military. Later, he was to assign him as the National Political commissar and then Commander of the Mechanised Regiment where he was suspected of plotting against Museveni. In the late 1990s Dr. Besigye took a bold step to courageously question the direction of the so called revolution before he narrowly escaped being incarcerated by the court martial and he retired from the army and declared his intention to run for the presidency. For three times Dr Besigye has been rigged out of victory in presidential elections. He has endured the worstFORMS
of brutal repression except death. He is currently traversing the country mobilising Ugandans to reclaim their country. Surprisingly Museveni has restrained his security machinery from blocking Dr. Besigye's tours simply because his running mate Gen Mugisha Muntu is also traversing the countryside but more so because Museveni wants to create a false impression of political sanity for the forthcoming Papal visit. Otherwise, there is no doubt Besigye has the majority support of Ugandans that can afford him victory if the elections were to beFREE and fair. Over time, Ugandans have come to appreciate his message of national salivation.Therefore, Dr. Besigye is not in the race to gain power but to rescue the country from the fangs of a military dictatorship.2. Gen Mugisha Muntu - being a son of a prominent former staunch UPC founding member, he defiantly fought in the five years bush war. Having served in the intelligence services gives him advantage over Dr. Besigye in defying the dictator or else he gets sent 'six feet deep'. In 1989 Museveni elevated him to the position of Army Chief for the next nine years just because of his unique intelligence, resolute and not being power hungry. Museveni exploited those qualities in Gen Muntu to suppress dissent in the army thus the practice of sidelining (Katebe) can be traced from that time. When Gen MuntuREALISED
that Museveni was simply using him to achieve his personal agendas, he defiantly quit the army and even rejected Museveni's offer of the Defense Ministry. Because he has never been power hungry Gen Muntu joined the FDC under Dr. Besigye where he has expressed extra ordinary skills in political organisation. Museveni has not been tough on Gen Muntu because the later is unlike Dr. Besigye is towing a non confrontational line. By choosing not to be confrontational, it is not that Gen Muntu believes that Museveni can democratically relnguish power but it is because he is aware of how dangerous it is to directly confront Museveni. Gen Muntu opted for a gradual building of the FDC capacity but is also aware that the masses are ready to reclaim their country. His line of thinking is influenced by his character as a gentleman and the intelligence background. Unfortunately the regime sees in Gen Muntu a counter balance to Dr. Besigye's confrontational approach. Therefore, it will obviously do everything to ensure that Gen Muntu defeats Dr. Besigye in the FDC party primaries. The scheme will not involve Gen Muntu directly because they know he cant accept to be used onceAGAIN but they will use some of the people in his camp. Otherwise, Gen Muntu is another good leader whose sole interest is to redeem the country but his approach is inapplicable to the situation on the ground.3, Amama Mbabazi - is one of the few active surviving comrades of Museveni from the days of the struggle against Iddi Amin in the 1970s. During the bush war he served on the NRA's External Wing and upon taking over power in 1986 he served as the Director of External Security. Later on he served in different sensitive ministerial positions related to security and justice. Museveni appointed him Prime Minister and was elected as the party's Secretary General. Mababazi's long time closeness to Museveni was born out of the fact that the former all along believed that Museveni would give way for him to lead the party and the country. It is only after Museveni's schemes to groom his son as his successor that Mbabazi lost hope and embarked on building his own power base within the party. Mbabazi used hid intelligence background to conceal his scheme such that by the time Museveni realised, the scheme had taken root in all party and government structures. Museveni's sole candidacy scheme was meant to intimidate Mbabazi into abandoning his plan. Instead Mbabazi has proved to be a master of deception thus when he declared his intention to seek for the party leadership, Museveni was taken by surprise. This explains the panicky manouvres by the regime to block Mbabazi's candidacy including placing the party constitution above the national constitution. It is not that Museveni fears that Mbabazi cant be rigged out of the contest but his concern lies in exposing his false impression about his popularity in the party and the country. Efforts to harass and intimidate Mbabazi so that he leaves the party and run as an independent candidate is hitting a hard rock. The only weapon at the regime's disposal to is the propaganda that Mbabazi has been at the helm of the regime and that is the architect of the draconian laws. However, they forget that Ugandans very well know that for the last 29 years it is Museveni who has led Uganda and therefore the sole beneficiary of the abuse of those so called draconian laws. Otherwise those laws if well applied benefit all Ugandans but they are being abused to benefit Museveni's designs. On his part Mbabazi has been diplomatic in opposing Museveni which Dr.Besigye once described as "Mbabazi is shy". Mbabazi's calculated approach is precipitated by the fact that he like Gen Muntu knows how much Museveni is obsessed with retaining power but more so by the fact that Museveni is very dangerous in dealing with serious political opponents. Museveni knows how much influence Mbabazi has security services (army and intelligence). Therefore his strengthening and shifting reliance on the newly created regime Police that is fused with the elite and personal SFG and the mushrooming intelligence outfits is his only lifeline. Had it not been for the impending Papal visit Museveni would have already ruthlessly dealt with Mbabazi once and for all. The ongoing so called talks between the regime and Mbabazi are simply meant to buy time as battle lines are being drawn. Otherwise Mbabazi is capable of defeating Museveni both in the party primaries and the national Presidential elections in a free and fair exercise.
4. Gen David Ssejusa - the battle hardened military Gen and distinguished military strategist has since the bush days eyed Museveni's seat. Gen Ssejusa is lucky to have escaped Museveni's scheme to eliminate the influence of Bahiima army officers more especially those from traditionally elite Hima families and the Ankole monarchy in preference for the Bahororo and the Genetically Modified Hima. While still in the bush Gen Ssejusa was reprimanded for defying Museveni's orders after describing them as dictatorial. At the time challenging Museveni was considered as high treason. Shortly before Museveni was sworn in as President in 1986, Ssejusa stood against Museveni in a sham NRC election that elected Museveni to the NRM Chairmanship thus the national Presidency. Like Mbabazi, Gen Ssejusa also all along believed that Museveni would relinquish power to his commrades. The only difference is that Gen Ssejusa realised much earlier than most of his comrades that Museveni had no intention of relinquishing power. During the late 1990s he was suspected of mobilising army officers and political opposition to topple Museveni. His attempt to retire from the army was blocked for fear that he would contest for the Presidency. He was since then sidelined from active military service. Because Gen Ssejusa always believed that Museveni was a military dictator who could only be dislodged from power by military means, he pretended to reconcile with Museveni in the hope that Museveni would bring him closer to the military. Instead Museveni simply kept him on the peripherals of the mainstream military. As usual Museveni used him to suppress political dissent. When Gen Ssejusa realised that Museveni was breeding his son to take over from him and that his position as Coordinator of Intelligence Services only existed on paper, he lost patience and plotted to militarily overthrow him before fleeing to London. In December 2014 Gen Ssejusa returned to Uganda after realising that he risked becoming politically irrelevant if he remained in exile. Since returning from exile the Gen has embarked on sensitizing Ugandans over Museveni's dictatorship. He has been reaching out to major opposition groups and the civil society save for Gen Muntu who has personal differences dating to the time both were in active military service. His message has been simple and clear: "Museveni is a dictator presiding over a military dictatorship who can only be forced out of power." His request to retire from active military service has been turned down for fea . Shortly before Museveni was sworn in as President in 1986, Ssejusa stood against Museveni in a sham NRC election that elected Museveni to the NRM Chairmanship thus the national Presidency. Like Mbabazi, Gen Ssejusa also all along believed that Museveni would relinquish power to his comrades. The only difference is that Gen Ssejusa realised much earlier than most of hisother comrades that Museveni had no intention of relinquishing power. During the late 1990s he was suspected of mobilising army officers and political opposition to topple Museveni. His attempt to retire from the army was blocked for fe fear that he will contest for the Presidency. The regime has not been tough on Gen Ssejusa simply because it hopes that since he is interested in taking power, he may return to it if he does not fit into the the current opposition political groupings. But more so the fear that getting tough on Gen Ssejusa may prompt an explosion within the military more especially the predominant Hima top command. Depending on the political terrain in the coming days and since his aides are facing charges of treason, its a question of time before the Gen will be arrested and incarcerated.
5. Prof Gilbert Bukenya - is one of the top members of NRM who are categorised at Twaliires (late comers) for his late entry into the NRM. He is not a former comrade of Museveni because he appointed him Vice President just to win the Ganda, Catholic and DP vote. As usual when his usefulness has been exhausted he was dumped after being accused of plotting with ethnic Ganda army officers against Museveni. His son died in a 'motor accident' before completing a military Cadet Course; who by now he would be deputising Museveni's son Brig Muhoozi in the SFG. The Prof had believed that he would succeed Museveni not until he realised that his son was systematically eliminated. Prof Bukenya may not be very influential in both the ruling party and opposition circles but he is a gifted political mobiliser.
Conclusion
It is because of the feeling of betrayal that opposition to Museveni is spearheaded by Museveni's former comrades. Those leaders represent the voiceless, intimidated, oppressed and traumatised millions of Ugandans. Museveni is so much aware that majority of Ugandans are yearning for change which he is not willing to allow and hisONLY OPTION
is to use force to retain power. However, his schemes to deliver a decisive blow on his opponents is being bogged down by the impending Papal visit to Uganda that is slated for end of November 2015. Museveni intends to gain alot of political capital from that visit thus why he is now pretending to be tolerant to political dissent. However, immediately after the Pope's visit when the world will turn its eyes off Uganda, he will deliver a blow to all that 'nonsense' and then he will be back in power. INFORMATION IS POWER
Viele GruBe
Robukui
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