{UAH} Uganda: UPC Is Dying, Let Akena Move With the Living
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Uganda: UPC Is Dying, Let Akena Move With the Living
National Resistance Movement (NRM) flag bearer President Museveni and Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) president Jimmy Akena are in talks that might lead to a coalition.
A quick historical reference makes this event significant. The reason for Museveni and his acolytes gave for staging a five-year bloody guerrilla war between 1981-1986 was because UPC under Milton Obote came to power on the back of a stolen election in 1980. Obote is Akena's father.
As expected, Museveni and his group through the years demonised Obote and his cabal of congressmen as thieves, murderers, drunkards, torturers, rapists, etc, and gave the impression that they were the cause of Uganda's problems. He grouped Obote with all Uganda's previous leaders and referred to them as 'swines' which trample on jewels that are put in their care. Museveni got a lot of mileage in Buganda as the one who restored the monarchy in Buganda after he vanquished UPC plus Obote. Obote is the man who desecrated the powerful Buganda Kingdom, exiled Ssekabaka Edward Muteesa II, who later died under mysterious circumstances.
So why the rapprochement? The answer is two sided. The first is how it serves Museveni. Museveni has always been an unapologetic believer in single party politics. He would rather have a situation where all, including the misfits, are on his side, other than have an Opposition, however weak.
In 1979 after the fall of Field Marshal Idi Amin, Museveni was one of those members of the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF), who supported the idea of holding the 1980 elections under the umbrella arrangement.
When he shot his way to power in January 1986, one of the first pronouncements was Legal Notice No 1. which banned political party activities. To Museveni and company, political parties were parochial, divisive and the cause of instability as opposed to the all embracing unifying 'Movement system' of governance (of course with himself as the head) that they propagated. Whoever stood up to speak and was associated with NRM lectured that parties were bad and the greatest danger to Uganda's stability and progress. The police did not allow any political assembly henceforth and was brutal in dealing with those who did not adhere. Following the promulgation of the 1995 Constitution, the place of political parties in the limbo, was cemented with Article 269.
In the referendum of 2005 which saw the reintroduction of a multiparty dispensation, Museveni was a reluctant convert to pluralism. He asserted that he gave in because he was tired of the question on 'multipartysim' whenever he visited foreign capitals. He added that it was time to get rid of those who did not agree with the ideas of the Movement. Fast forward to 2014, the quest for a sole candidate within NRM is an extension of this argument.
This background coupled with the incessant moves to recruit from within the Opposition which lead to controversies, confusion, division and weakness amidst allegations of bribery point to the fact that Museveni is not comfortable with any type of Opposition. It is why the Public Order Management Act was enacted. It seeks to regulate assemblies especially political assemblies, by involving permission from the partisan police. The result is the endless run-ins between the police and the Opposition whenever they have tried to go out and mobilise through processions, political rallies and demonstrations.
The second angle to this move is what has befallen political parties under the NRM. Because of years in hiatus, most especially the so-called traditional parties; UPC and the Democratic Party (DP) have stunted and are no longer vibrant.
They have no structures or a proper register of their members. What we call political parties are a few individuals at the party headquarters in Kampala claiming to speak for multitudes in the provinces. Most of these parties are poorly funded. The people who formed their support base like the Baganda for DP and the Langi for UPC are wallowing in poverty because of the effects of war and the collapse of agriculture plus the rural economy. The leaders of these parties have to seek alliances as a stop gap measure with politicians and groupings that are visible and vibrant at the moment. These are the vehicles on which they ride in order to remain relevant and for their personal survival. That is why many from DP like Mathias Mpuuga, Norbert Mao, Medard Lubega Ssegona, etc, are this time round following Amama Mbabazi of the Go Forward pressure group. Others like Moses Kasibante, Erias Lukwago, etc. have allied with Kizza Besigye of the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) party.
Akena is not going to Museveni with the entire membership of UPC because it is almost non-existent, but he gambles on the fact that NRM is growing in northern Uganda riding on state funds and structures. Akena hopes to benefit from this association. His move weakens the UPC brand which is good for Museveni's ego. For this, Akena will be rewarded by either some appointment for himself and a few of his acolytes to feed off public finances.
Mr Sengoba is a commentator on political and social issues.
very high education. We can call Obote all bad names we have, but the bottom line remains that he got more scholarships for Buganda than all previous Uganda leaders combined. That includes Sir Edward Mutesa, President Lule, President Binayisa, up to and into Ssabasajja Mutebi. Who all happen to be Baganda leaders." Mulindwa
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