{UAH} Field Marshal Idi Amin Speech That Shocked The World.(verbatim)

(For leaders only)

Here below is the entire famous speech verbatim for which the
charismatic African leader received a raucous standing ovation from
the world's leaders at the UN General Assembly, New York, on 1st
October 1975. Indeed it was so bold in substance and clear cut honesty
that it is ranked as amongst the Top 10 most memorable moments in the
history of the UN General Assembly. He touched on African independence
and self determination, Apartheid in South Africa, racism in America,
development challenges in the Third World, regional and international
cooperation on the basis of equality and mutual respect especially
between the former colonies and the former colonialists. He also
discussed the plight of the Palestine people, the situation in Uganda
and the enormous development and policy efforts he was undertaking in
the country, he made outstanding reform proposals for the UN Security
Council , particularly the veto system. He also discussed the global
security and economic situation especially under the cold war
confrontation between the Eastern and Western blocks, with the
non-aligned countries in the middle.
On this day he spoke to the world on behalf of the ordinary indigenous
Ugandan, on behalf of the people of Africa, on behalf of the
Palestinian people, on behalf all the black people in America and
around the world facing racism, abuse and discrimination, and on
behalf of all the people of the Third world in our common struggle for
development, freedom, dignity and independence.

FROM THE ARCHIVES

The designation of apartheid as a 'crime against humanity' has long
been a matter of settled international law, having been designated as
such by the United Nations General Assembly in 1973. In November of
that year the world body adopted the "International Convention on the
Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid". Among the first
signatories of that convention, on 11th March 1975, was Uganda under
the leadership of Field Marshal Idi Amin Dada. On 1st October that
same year, Field Marshal Amin addressed the 30th Session of the UN
General Assembly in his capacity as President of Uganda and
Chairperson of the Organization of African Unity. The New York Times
described the scene as follows:

"While Uganda's chief delegate read the long message in English,
President Amin sat in a beige armchair on the rostrum. He wore a gold
embroidered dark green uniform with the insignia of the British
Victoria Cross, many medals and held a red and gold marshal's baton.
He received a standing ovation when protocol officers led him into the
Assembly hall. President Amin raised his hand in sign of salute and
stepped to the lectern to say a few words in Luganda, a Uganda tribal
language. According to a translation, he said he did not want to speak
in a "foreign language," and therefore had asked his chief delegate to
read his message. After it had been read, President Amin stepped
forward and delivered an improvised speech in British‐accented
English… At the end of his 10‐minute impromptu remarks, President Amin
received another lengthy standing ovation from the entire General
Assembly."

Official UN transcript of Field Marshal Amin's address:

Address by His Excellency Field Marshal Idi Amin Dada, President of
the Republic of Uganda.

67. The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): On behalf of the
General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations
His Excellency Field Marshal Idi Amin Dada, President of the Republic
of Uganda and current Chairman of the Organization of African Unity
[OAU]. I invite him to address the General Assembly.

68. Mr. AMIN (Uganda) (speaking in Luganda): As a true African I do
not want to speak to you in a foreign language. Thanks to the good
offices of the Secretary-General, my statement will be read out to you
by my Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Mr. Khalid
Younis Kinene. Meanwhile, I wish to bring to you warm greetings from
the people of Uganda, from all members of the OAU and from all peoples
of the third world.

69. I have put all the points which concern the OAU, the third world
and the world as a whole in the statement which my representative will
now read out to you. Thank you.

70. Mr. KINENE (Uganda): I shall now read out the statement by His
Excellency ldi Amin Dada, President of the Republic of Uganda and
current Chairman of the OAU, to the thirtieth session of the United
Nations General Assembly.

71. As a pure and proper son of Africa, who does not believe in any
colonial and imperialist language, I shall address you in an African
language which will be interpreted to you through the good offices of
the United Nations Secretariat.

77. Mr. President, I wish also to take this opportunity to
congratulate you on your unanimous election to the high office of
President of this session. With your enormous experience, I have no
doubt that the business of this session will be conducted in a most
competent manner, under your able and wise guidance. I also wish to
pay a tribute to our distinguished Secretary General, Mr. Kurt
Waldheim, and his entire staff for the dynamism and dedication with
which they have been executing their duties. The entire membership of
the OAU is particularly satisfied with the manner in which the
Secretary-General has executed his African assignments, especially in
the field of decolonization and the problems of the racist minority
regimes in southern Africa.

78. The thirtieth session of the General Assembly is being held at a
time when developments in the world are moving fast. Imperialism is
being resolutely driven back, and the peoples of the industrialized
countries are showing fresh interest in the genuine development of the
third world and in its fight for economic independence and
construction. The OAU, of which I have the honour to be the current
Chairman, wishes this session success in its deliberations, aimed not
only at consolidating the political and economic independence and the
construction of its members, but also at the cultural and moral
development of peoples all over the world. We in Africa, and in Uganda
in particular, are fully dedicated and committed to that end.

79. The agenda at this Assembly session is a long one. But it is not
my intention to speak on it at length. Permit me, however, to address
myself first, on behalf of the 46 States Members of the OAU, to the
pertinent problems that are of greatest concern to the African
continent in the context of this world body. At a later stage. I will
also have a few points to make as President of the Republic of Uganda.

80. All over the globe, there continue to be hotbeds of crisis in the
political, economic, social and cultural fields. Many countries have
consequently been involved in one way or another in trying to find
lasting solutions to those constant problems. The twelfth session of
the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU at Kampala,
the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned
Coun­tries held at Lima, and the seventh special session of the
General Assembly held in this very Hall not very long ago, go a long
way in demonstrating mankind's commitment to finding solutions to the
problems that lie between it and the ideals and aspirations of the
international community it is trying to achieve.

81. You will permit me at this juncture, Mr. Pres­ident, to dwell
particularly on the economic problems that for a long time have
created bottlenecks in world development. The fact that the Programme
of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order
mapped out at the sixth special session of the General Assembly
[resolution 3202 (S-Vl)], and has now clearly been enunciated by the
Lima Conference and the seventh special session, is, in my view,
highly significant. It is significant because the developed nations, I
hope, are beginning to realize that economic co-operation of any kind
with the developing countries must take place strictly on the basis of
mutual benefit to both sides as well as respect for the national
sovereignty of each State. These recent international meetings have
furthered a positive trend towards the attainment of a realistic and
just international economic order fair to all parties to it. For this
progressive development, I wish to pay a special tribute to the United
States authorities, especially the President and the Members of
Congress who approved a change in the United States attitude and
policy towards the third world and, consequently, made that position
known to the world during the seventh special session of this
Assembly.

82. Except for the southern tip of the African continent and isolated
pockets here and there, the worldwide struggle for self-determination
and political independence is almost over now. But the struggle for
self-reliance continues. The present stage in this struggle is for
economic independence without which, as it has rightly been stated,
political freedom is meaningless.

83. All States Members of the OAU are vigorously waging battles for
full economic control over their own affairs. Each State is following
a method and a speed that is most suited to its national conditions.
We in Uganda, having taken a short and revolutionary cut to economic
independence, are now somewhat luckier than many of our sister States
members of the OAU. Our experience, among many other things, has
taught us that, if the more industrialized countries are genuinely
serious about extending technical assistance to the developing
countries, they should ensure that the experts they send· are
dedicated and appreciative of the aspirations and determination of the
third-world countries to be masters of their own economies.

84. These modern technical missionaries should not have that old
colonial mentality of their predecessors who came out to Africa with
the conviction that they were coming to work among second-rate human
beings. The modern expatriates Africa now needs should come with the
knowledge that they are employees, not employers; partners for peace,
not preachers of political ideologies or builders of foreign empires.
If this type of expatriate comes to Africa, and indeed goes to other
parts of the third world, the cause of inter­national peace and
positive development will be served.

85. The efforts for economic independence by all States Members of
this Organization are aimed at ensuring that mankind's gains in the
future will be stable and significant and that the society that the
new economic order aspires to create holds immense potentialities. We
do not only want a world free of colonialism, neo-colonialism,
imperialism and zionism but a world free of hunger, disease, ignorance
and any form of tension arising from inequalities in social or
regional development.

86. While there is positive co-operation among the nations of the
third world, one regrets to note that co-operation between the third
world and the industrialized nations still leaves a lot to be desired.
Some
industrialized nations still cling to the outdated attitude whereby
they unjustifiably depend for their prosperity on the exploitation of
the natural resources of developing nations. It is our hope and prayer
that this thirtieth session will go a long way in promoting economic
co-operation among those who are prepared to respect each other's
sovereignty and are willing and ready to co-operate on an equal basis.

87. Let me now touch on some basic political problems before this
world body. Session after session this Assembly has spent long hours
trying to find solutions to the problems of decolonization. Yet it is
disheartening to note that, up to the present session, in this
Organization which is the custodian of world peace and security there
are still some countries which come to this Assembly to pay
lip-service to the cause of liberty, democracy and justice while at
the same time they continue the very malpractices condemned in this
Hall.

88. I am glad to mention that, despite setbacks, events over the past
year in the arena of decolonization have moved at a faster pace. I
refer to the accession to independence of the three former Portuguese
colonies, Mozambique, Cape Verde and Sao Tome and Principe, and the
former French Territory of Comoro, and their admission to the OAU at
the twelfth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government
held at Kampala. I hail, on behalf of the OAU, their admission to the
world body and I am convinced that their revolutionary zeal with which
they fought for their independence will lead them to make a worthy
contribution to the deliberations of this Organization. I should also
take this opportunity to congratulate the people of the new State of
Papua New Guinea on attaining their independence. Africa welcomes this
newest State of the Pacific to the ranks of this world body.

89. At this point, it is fitting for me to pay Africa's compliments to
the Portuguese Armed Forces Movement for their far-sightedness. As a
result of their very progressive policies since they took over power
last year, Portugal is now in the process of realizing the true and
internationally accepted limits of its sovereignty. Portugal can now
afford to develop its economy without wasting its resources in
outmoded colonial ambitions which its economic means could not
sustain. The new-found independence and freedom which both the former
Portuguese Territories and the Portuguese people are enjoying is
directly attributable to the many years of struggle by the African
peoples in the Portuguese colonies and to the progressive forces
inside Portugal.

90. I should like to punctuate the independence of the former
Portuguese Territories by referring to the unhappy situation
prevailing in Angola. The Portuguese Government remains in the final
analysis the responsible Power in Angola until independence on 11
November 1975. For its part, the OAU will spare no efforts in
contributing to measures to bring the situation under control.

91. It is pertinent here to warn against external interests in Angolan
affairs which have made it more difficult to bring about
reconciliation among the three major Angolan liberation movements:
Movimento Popular de LibertaIao de Angola [MPLA], Frente Nacional para
a Libertaiao de Angola [FNLIO and Uniao Nacional para a Independencia
Total de Angola [UNITA]. One positive role the United Nations can play
in this tragic situation is to help to prevent the current conflict in
Angola from being internationalized. The United Nations must
unequivocally condemn those Powers which for ideological or strategic
reasons are pouring arms into Angola, thereby complicating further an
already delicate situation.

The problem of Angola, being essentially African, should and ought to
have an African solution. I want to assure you that the Conciliation
Commission on Angola which was appointed by the last Assembly of Heads
of State and Government of the OAU is doing everything possible to
bring about peace among the warring Angola parties. I am sure that the
Commission will succeed in its mission. While on this point, I should
like to stress what has already been stated many times before: that
the problems of Africa can be solved by Africans alone, without
interference from outside. There should not be any press or other
public utterances claiming that African problems in Africa are so
explosive that they require non-Africans to come and control them.

92. With the independence of the new States of Mozambique, Cape Verde,
Sao Tome and Principe and the Comoros, come two related problems.
These are the return of refugees to their countries of origin and the
urgent need of the new States for technical and financial assistance
to enable these new States to cope with the problems of national
economic development and social reconstruction.

93. As far as the question of the refugees is concerned the OAU is
grateful for the co-operation and generous assistance which the United
Nations High Commission for Refugees, other United Nations agencies,
individual Governments and various organizations have rendered and
continue to render, not only for the return of the refugees to their
countries of origin but for their resettlement, reconciliation and
rehabilitation. However, the State of Cape Verde presently faces an
exceptionally acute refugee problem arising from the current situation
in Angola, where many of its citizens have been working. Cape Verde
therefore needs urgent assistance or the resettlement of its displaced
citizens, whom it cannot reabsorb at once. An appeal for assistance
has already gone to all members of the OAU, but in view of the
enormous size of the problem may I, on behalf of that Organization,
extend the same appeal to all other Members of this Organization. The
assistance can be channeled through bilateral or multilateral
arrangements.

94. On technical and financial assistance, States Members of the
United Nations will no doubt be aware of the scarcity of educational
and health facilities that are normally allowed in colonial
Territories by metropolitan Powers. A new structure for social
services has therefore to be built; transport has to be developed;
and, similarly, bases for agriculture and other economic backbones
must be established. This is a formidable task with which the new
nations are faced. I am sure that the United Nations, through its
various specialized agencies, will play a worthwhile role in this
great challenge facing its newest Members.

95. On behalf of the new nations I should also like to make a fervent
appeal to all more developed nations represented in this great
Organization to show solidarity and magnanimity by rising to the
occasion through bilateral arrangements without undue political
considerations.

96. As for the· other colonial Territories, I can only hope that the
remaining European colonial Powers -France, the United Kingdom and
Spain -will follow the example of the new Portugal and embark on a
committed programme of decolonization. The OAU cannot accept the lame
excuse used by some colonial Powers that the colonial people are not
ready for
independence or that they prefer the colonial status to independence.
No human being can choose to be a slave.

97. The Comoros declared independence from France last July. True to
its principles of respect for the sovereign right of peoples to
self-determination and independence, the OAU accepted the application
of the Comoros for membership in that Organization.

98. The problems that ensued following the Comoros' declaration of
independence and the stance adopted by the French Government are too
well known to this august Assembly to require further elaboration.
That the Comoros has not yet found it possible to apply for admission
to the United Nations is no fault of the OAU. The intention of the
French Government concerning the Comoros has remained ambiguous.
France has a moral obligation to explain its position on this
question.

99. In spite of France's negative attitude, the international
community and OAU, in particular, have been more than patient with
France on matters relating to the decolonization of its African
Territories. It is time for France to reciprocate before our patience
is completely exhausted.

100. The OAU has welcomed the results of the independence negotiations
held last March at Marlborough House London between the United Kingdom
Government and the two nationalist parties of Seychelles, Seychelles
People's United Party [SPUP] and Seychelles Democratic Party[SDP],
setting the date for independence as not later than 30 June 1976. It
is our fervent hope that the United Kingdom Government will respect
the wishes of the people for a united prosperous Seychelles nation.

101. We are, however, suspicious of the United Kingdom's intentions to
retain some of the islands that rightly belong to Seychelles in what
is referred to as the British Indian Ocean Territories. Our fears and
concerns arise out of the fact that this action undermines the
territorial integrity of Seychelles. Besides, the OAU, as well as the
non-aligned States, have expressly stated their opposition to
big-Power rivalry in the Indian Ocean, which we want to remain a zone
of peace. ·

102. I should like to appeal to the United Nations, and particularly
to the permanent members of the Security Council, to take meaningful
measures to resolve the outstanding colonial problems of southern
Africa. I am convinced that it is not beyond the competence of the
United Nations to end colonialism and apartheid. We in Africa are
prepared for a peaceful end to colonialism and apartheid, but if
peaceful means are blocked there can be no other alternative but to
achieve independence on the battlefield. The United Nations has a
responsibility in this. You can help us save bloodshed by helping to
implement United Nations resolutions on the granting of independence
to colonial countries and peoples.

103. Independent Africa will not allow itself to be deceived by
detente, which is in any case increasingly going bankrupt in the face
of the sharpened struggle of the people of Zimbabwe, Namibia and South
Africa. The States Members of the OAU have resolved to step up their
support of the nationalists and the peoples of southern Africa in
their multi-fronted struggle for national liberation. May I at this
juncture express Africa's appreciation to all those countries that
have assisted and continue to assist African liberation movements in
their struggle for freedom and independence. In particular I wish to
mention the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China and other
Socialist countries for their generous assistance, both moral and
material, to the peoples of Africa still fighting to free themselves
from the bondage of imperialism, racism and apartheid.

104. I cannot condone any compromise with apartheid. The system must
be eradicated root and branch and buried. It defies all known
principles of humanity as embodied in the Charter of the United
Nations or in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It is for
this reason that free Africa has insisted that South Africa has no
right to United Nations membership because the very basis of its
ideology and practice are a direct contradiction to the Charter of the
United Nations.

105. I should like now to tum to one other point that is of key
importance not only to Africa and the rest of the third world but to
the entire world. This is the question of peace and security. Africa
rejects the opinion which has sometimes been publicly expressed that
the problems of security should be the monopoly of the big Powers
alone. We maintain that all peace-loving people of the world have an
active role to play in world security, peace and co-operation. On a
broader plane, we in Africa feel the need for more effective
initiatives an the co-operation of all countries, big or small, which
are keen to deliver the entire world once and for all from the forces
of colonialism neo­-colonialism, racialism
and apartheid. For us in Africa this is the central issue. '

106. Having regard to the political and social clashes that are taking
place in the southern part of our continent coupled with the bloody
friction in the Middle East at the northern end of our continent it
has become increasingly evident that without the concerted involvement
of the countries of the third world in peace-keeping, it will be
impossible to solve the endemic problems in southern Africa, the
Middle East and elsewhere in the world where hot political issues
exist. Indeed, it will even be difficult to implement any meaningful
international economic changes that have become a necessary factor in
the attainment of secure international peace and harmony if the third
world countries which now command a numerical majority in this
Assembly are not fully involved in the process of making and
guaranteeing world peace. In this particular connection, I appeal on
behalf of my African colleagues and the entire third world to the
United States Government to reconsider its position in and
relationship with Panama, an independent Member of this Organization,
regarding the use of the Panama Canal. All international traffic using
the watercourse should fully respect the sovereign rights of the
Republic of Panama. This is within the acceptable principles of this
Organization.

107. I should like at this point to refer to the continued monopoly of
the veto by the permanent members of the Security Council, which
privilege some of them have used to protect situations that are
against world peace. The third world cannot now be overlooked when the
most important decisions, some of which even directly affect it, are
being taken in the Security Council. At this time when the
interdependence of nations, big or small, is an acknowledged fact, it
is high time that this Organization, especially the Security Council,
decided to review the Charter of the United Nations, adopted when not
more than three African Members were independent. The implementation
of this idea will be a great leap forward for mankind, since the
principle of equality and sovereignty will have been mutually
respected by each and every State.

108. It is thus my belief that. in consideration of the changed world
political situation since the adoption of the present Charter, the
review of the Charter should among other things, enable the
third-world countries to exercise the rights at present being
monopolized by the conquering allies of the Second World War. I would
specifically propose that Africa and other recognized regional
groupings in this Organization, which do not enjoy the right of a
veto, be given a bloc veto each. As and when, for example, the
Security Council decides on substantive issues, the concurrent votes
of a region's representatives at the Council will have the same effect
as that of a permanent member of the Security Council.

109. East-West detente has now been made concrete with the conclusion
of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe at Helsinki.
I wish to compliment all the countries that contributed to the success
of that Conference. The Soviet Union in particular is to be given
special thanks for conceiving the idea of the Conference and for
working tirelessly and consistently until the signing of the Helsinki
agreement.

110. Now that detente between the Western and the Eastern States has
thus been formalized, it would be a logical step forward in the search
for world peace, if the third-world countries also met and reviewed
their position in the light of the Helsinki agreement The third-world
countries which spread all over the globe should never lag behind in
the search for world peace and security. Being composed of developing
countries, the third world needs an assurance of peace for itself much
more than the more industrialized countries. A security conference for
the third world has thus now become necessary and should be convened
as soon as possible.

111. In our regional search for international peace and security, the
position of the People's Republic of China and Japan has not been very
clear. From what I know, these two countries rightly belong to the
third world. China, because it has always stated that it wants to
belong to the third world. Japan, in spite of its high industrial
development, naturally belongs to the third world. In any case,
because of its geographical position and, especially since its defeat
in the Second World War, it has never really been accepted by either
Eastern or Western blocs of countries as a member of either.

112. Countries of the third world, especially those in Africa, the
Arab subcontinent and Asia, should very seriously think of this
proposal to hold a security conference. With the inclusion of China
and Japan in such a conference, the third world will find it easy to
resolve, by peaceful means, problems that are found within or among
its member States and thus avoid the interference of super-Powers that
we have so often witnessed in such cases. The problems of North and
South Korea, for example, would be made easier to solve in the context
of the third-world peace efforts, as these two countries are also
legitimately within the third-world group.

113. Given its large and varied membership and its enormous natural
resources, such as those in Africa which include high-nuclear raw
materials its rich historic cultures and revolutionary aspirations the
third world stands the greatest chance to lead the world by peaceful
means, if only it can co-ordinate its efforts.

114. As I said at the beginning, I should like now to discuss a few
points in my capacity as President of Uganda, starting with the very
first prerequisite of a State, namely, its land.

115. Needless to say, land is the greatest gift the Creator has given
to man. Its price cannot be estimated in terms of money or any other
measure of value. Without it there would be no States and the human
race could not exist in the form in which we know it. Land, through
the ages, has been the cause of both joys and woes, unity and
conflict. When thinking about land in its proper perspective,
considerations cut across national boundaries and assume an
international character to which nations should give serious priority
consideration, commitment and dedication. Today the peoples of the
world are very much worried about overpopulation, and those fears are
based entirely on the kind and amount of food that can be available to
feed the ever-increasing millions of people on earth.

As we know it today, food is a product of land. Therefore, land
utilization and settlement are subjects of top priority to the human
race. In many countries there is no more space left for the growing of
food to feed their nationals, and therefore in this regard they face
peril. The only hope for survival of such people lies in the amount of
food that can be obtained from the new lands which are less populated,
endowed with a good climate and soil and which, therefore, an achieve
maximum production with the least effort in terms of technology and
finance. Nations blessed with the attribute of a large area of arable
land therefore stand in a unique position.

116. I am glad and proud to inform this Assembly that Uganda is one of
the very few countries which occupy that unique position. Uganda
realizes its moral responsibility to humanity to hold out the bread
basket to the starving world. In this connection, the Government of
Uganda has recently promulgated three decrees designed to bring about
maximum productivity and the better utilization of land within its
national territorial boundaries and to increase employment
opportunities. By the grace of God, Uganda does boast a wonderful
climate, rich soil, a healthy energetic people, good means of
communication and rich natural resources, all Of which, if fully
exploited, would benefit the human race and go a long way towards
removing the fears in which the world is engulfed today. It is against
that background that the Land Reform Decree, the Community Farm
Settlement Decree and the Self-Help Projects Decree were promulgated
in the middle of this year. Those decrees place all land in the hands
of the Government for management, distribution and control, provide
for its planned settlement and utilization and encourage the
supplementing of financial investment requirements by our time-honored
voluntary communal labour supply for community development.

117. The following reasons led to the reform of land possession and
management law: to enable the Government to make proper plans of land
use for maximum productivity; to remove the evils of feudalism which
discouraged the farmers of the land and encouraged laziness and
exploitation by the absentee landlords; and to provide employment.
Under the new decrees, everyone in Uganda now has an equal opportunity
to own land and develop it for the benefit of himself, the country and
the world at large, since the world expects those who are so
favourably placed as regards rich natural resources, like Uganda, to
share them with their fellow human beings the world over.

I18. The effect of the new decrees on Uganda's social pattern of life
and economic development has been tremendous. Anyone who visits Uganda
today will see the great strides that have been taken by the people in
the development of land for agriculture and animal husbandry, although
it is barely four months since the decrees were promulgated.

119. The international community has recognized that one of the most
serious problems facing the majority of mankind today is the problem
of human settlement. The three decrees promulgated in Uganda, already
referred to, are meant among other things to solve this problem at the
national level. It will be appreciated, however, that human settlement
is an international problem which can best be solved at the
international level. For that reason Uganda supports the proposal for
the creation of a United Nations agency or programme to deal
specifically with this international problem of human settlement. In
this connection, Uganda offers to be the host country to the
secretariat of such an agency or programme of the United Nations, if
and when it is created, As is very well known, Uganda has the capacity
and the facilities to be host not only to the secretariat of such an
agency or programme but even to much bigger ones.

120. Full exploitation of the land resources requires heavy financial
investment. If the world is going to benefit in the shortest possible
time from the natural wealth of Uganda, then the world must be
prepared to invest in the exploitation of these resources. Uganda
invites interested parties on the individual, State and international
levels to participate in the exploitation of these rich resources. Our
law protects foreign investments and we guarantee fair returns on
these foreign investments. We respect in full measure the right to
property as a fundamental inalienable right.

Our Constitution guarantees this right and the Government and people
of Uganda observe this constitutional guarantee strictly; so much so
that when I declared the economic war in order to restore to our
people their natural rights, dignity and self-respect and save them
from callous exploitation by foreigners, I also guaranteed payment of
compensation to these exploiters. Negotiations are going on between
Uganda and the countries concerned to determine the amount due and the
method and programme of payment of compensation. The United Kingdom
team was recently in Kampala, our capital city, for this purpose. The
United States of America's claim has long since been settled. All that
indicates that we are not just interested in making sweet utterances
or paying lip-service to human rights and law, but that we observe all
these principles and back them up with practical, visible action.

121. Uganda takes strength and gains inspiration from the numerous
utterances and resolutions of this venerable house urging the colonial
and imperial powers to make speedy restoration of full economic rights
to the hitherto exploited, oppressed and enslaved peoples of the third
world. My strength and earnestness of purpose is even greater when I
stand here delivering my speech on the soil of the United States of
America, the country which in our era conceived a new philosophy which
has lit, cleansed, inspired and sustained the third world in the
pursuit of freedom. The United States colonies resisted exploitation
by foreign Powers 200 years ago. They wanted to have the sole right
and control over their economy. This is the accepted principle today
in this Assembly, in the world of peace-loving and right-thinking
peoples and at the international law platform. We in Uganda have
pursued the same goal.

122. For the pursuit of our natural rights; for the consolidation of
our independence; for the retrieve of our economy; for our struggle
for equality, dignity, justice in the world; for our efforts in
fostering international brotherhood; for the creation of a world order
in which there will be complete independence of States, with freedom
for each State to decide on its destiny without regard to size, ethnic
grouping, colour or. creed; for our unflinching fight against
oppression by big or technologically advanced nations, against
exploitation and enslavement of the majority by a few powerfully
placed reactionary and fascist minority regimes in southern Africa;
for our dedicated commitment to the liberation movements in Africa,
Asia and the Middle East, we have been subjected to blackmail, vulgar
abuse, commercial ostracism, economic strangulation and treachery by
imperialists in league with the Fascists and Zionists. Our case has
exposed the moral bankruptcy of those powerful nations of the West
which through deceit have for so long held themselves up as the
bastions of peace, freedom and justice. They have, in their endeavours
to distort our image in the eyes of the international community
through their powerful news media in order to coyer up for their
inadequacies at home, not only revealed their hypocrisy but to their
chagrin given unprecedented publicity to our nation and the truth we
stand for.

123. While we have liberated our economy to feed our people,
unemployment in the United Kingdom has but soared to an all-time
record. While we have taken measures to restore our cultural values
and establish justice among our people, the United Kingdom has turned
to blackmail in order to confuse the world about the terrible
situation of an internecine war in the United Kingdom colony of
Northern Ireland, where the colonized people live in great fear for
their lives. Today, the London-based organization, Amnesty
International, continues to pay lip-service to the cause of justice
and, as shown in its recent publication, has blackmailed over 100
nations of the world as violators of human rights without mentioning
the United Kingdom and its role in Northern Ireland.

It is impossible to feel secure in the United Kingdom today because of
the sporadic bomb blasts which wreck churches, schools, cafes, bars,
trains and even hospitals. Kidnappings and murders have long since
ceased to shock the British society as hardly a week passes without
press reports of such horrible acts. This shows the decadence of a
nation which once prided itself before the entire world, a quarter of
which it colonized, as the fountain of peace, freedom, justice and
tranquility. Amnesty International is fed on rumours and concoctions
from discredited criminals in exile and, surprisingly, feels content
to continue to be fed on rumours.

Where on earth have exiles spoken glowingly of the regime in their
country or exposed their own criminality? Amnesty International has
taken no trouble to investigate or send a team to Uganda to see for
itself. Its report has indicted over 100 States. How can it be said
that 95 per cent of the entire world does not conform to accepted
standards? By what measures does it judge 95 per cent of the entire
world? What is the justification of the continued existence of Amnesty
International if it is so helplessly behind the times? It has lent
itself as tools for the smear campaigns perpetrated by the colonial
and imperialistic Powers that fund its existence. It wishes to divert
the attention of those peoples fighting for their freedom, equality
and independence in order to subvert the world order. Such tricks have
not succeeded in Uganda. Such tricks have not been accepted by the
peoples of the third world, who form the majority of the world
society.

124. We in Uganda are proud and committed to hold the banner of
independence for the oppressed peoples to see and to follow. We
condemn all forms of enslavement and economic exploitation as
exhibited by the minority regimes in Rhodesia and South Africa. We
salute the new order in Portugal which has seen the truth and
committed itself to the liberation of all its colonies which formerly
were called overseas Territories. We condemn any form of territorial
aggrandizement as practiced by the Zionists in the Middle East. We
condemn any perpetration of illegalities in the United Nations or
sustenance of the bogus State of Israel. Until 1947 there was no State
of Israel but Palestine.

The colonial powers, for their imperialistic motives, created Israel,
carved out of the State of Palestine, thus causing an upheaval which,
if it is not settled immediately, may throw the world into
conflagration. It is reported today that, in spite of the so-called
peace accord between peace-loving Egypt and the bogus State of Israel,
much more powerful arms have been delivered to Israel by the United
States, including missiles capable of carrying nuclear warheads. This
has created great uncertainty and fear not only in the Middle East but
in all of Africa, which in the northern corner has the Zionists and in
the southern corner the Boers of South Africa. It has also accelerated
the chances of nuclear confrontation which may spell the doom of the
human race. '

125. Israel, like South Africa, has absolutely ignored the United
Nations resolutions commanding it to withdraw from the occupied
territories of Egypt, Palestine, Jordan and Syria. It is disappointing
to note that some major Powers, notably the United States of America,
which are founder Members of this Organization which was established
to bring about a world order based upon law, justice and peace, have
not only continually supported Israel in flouting United Nations
resolutions, but have also equipped it with powerful armaments to make
it strong enough to defy, grab and plunder its neighbour's territory.
Today, without the United States of America, there would be no Israel.

126. The United States' persistent support for Israel stems from the
sad history of colonization. The United States of America has been
colonized by the Zionists who hold all the tools of development and
power. They own virtually all the banking institutions, the major
manufacturing and processing industries and the major means of
communication; and have so much infiltrated the Central Intelligence
Agency [CIA] that they are posing a great threat to nations and
peoples which may be opposed to the atrocious Zionist movement. They
have turned CIA into a murder squad to eliminate any form of just
resistance anywhere in the world. The role of CIA has been revealed to
the world community by United States senators and congressmen
themselves, as we learn from the United States news media. The top
echelon of CIA has made an admission of this. How can we expect
freedom, peace and justice in the world when such a powerful nation as
the United States of America is in the hands of the Zionists? I call
upon the people of the United States of America whose forefathers
founded this State "conceived in liberty and dedicated to the
proposition that all men are created equal" to rid their society of
the Zionists in order that the true citizens of this nation may
control their own destiny and exploit the natural resources of their
country to their own benefit. I call for the expulsion of Israel from
the United Nations and the extinction of Israel as a State, so that
the territorial integrity of Palestine may be ensured and upheld.

127. When this objective is achieved the Holy City of Jerusalem will
once more revert to its holy status. Jerusalem should and will remain
the holy place of worship for Christians, Moslems and Jews and must be
free of any military activity. When recently I had the honour of being
received by His Holiness the Pope, in our discussion we shared this
view.

128. I like the Jews but I do not approve of Zionism. There are many
Jews in many countries who do not subscribe to the iniquitous Zionist
philosophy. To these, all the peace-loving people of the world extend
their hand in friendship. Indeed, Yasser Arafat himself announced at
the General Assembly last year that the Palestinian people were
prepared, ready and willing to live in partnership and amity with
people of all creeds,
Christians, Moslems and Jews in one State, the State of Palestine.
Zionist Israel has refused this offer. While millions of displaced
Palestinians roam without home, without shelter, without food,
millions of dollars extracted from the sweat and resources of the
American people go to aid and fatten the Zionists. While the Unite
Nations continues to pass resolutions calling for peace m the Middle
East, resolutions without sanction, the displaced Palestinian people
decay and perish. Their hope and reason are fast running out. To my
Arab brothers I wish to give a piece of brotherly advice. If they wish
to defeat Israel they must unite. No country should be diverted from
the common objective without consulting the other Arab States. Lack of
proper consultation causes friction and misunderstandings, to the
great benefit of Israel. Arab must stop fighting Arab so that together
they may face their enemy, Israel.

129. I wish to emphasize that I am not a racist. I hate racialism in
all its manifestations, as practiced in Rhodesia and South Africa.
Apartheid, like Zionism, is an enemy to humanity itself. Uganda is
totally committed to the liberation of the African peoples under
colonial minority regimes. We are baffled by the double standards
displayed by imperialists who, in the name of democracy, plundered
Vietnam, Cambodia and many other lands while they support oppression
in Rhodesia, South Africa and the Middle East; who veto the admission
of gallant Vietnam in the same way they veto the expulsion of South
Africa and Israel from the United Nations; who withhold financial
support from peaceful nations and pour investments into South Africa,
Rhodesia and Israel.

130. We welcome investors to come to Uganda as friends but not as
masters, and they will find us active, generous and friendly. Anyone
interested in youth programmes, employment programmes, increased
productivity programmes,
freedom-from-hunger programes and environmental programmes, whether
taken together or separately, will certainly take an interest in our
law of reform and the methods we have devised and continue to devise.
To this end I wish to restate that we are non-aligned and therefore
our doors are open to any country or organization in the world with
aims, methods and objectives acceptable to us to participate with us
in the development of our land resources for the benefit of the world.

131. While here in the. United States of America, a country that is
celebrating its two hundredth year of independence from British
colonialism, I should like to mention, without in any way imputing
racial bias, the position of the black Americans. In this country. In
spite of the fact that he was forcibly brought to this country against
his will, the black American has contributed as much as, if not more
than, most of the other races towards the construction, development
and now the economic mightiness of this country. His contribution, to
his credit, stands sharply in contrast to the treatment he has
received from his fellow Americans.

Having been in this country for some three centuries now and at
present numbering some 30 million or more, one would have expected
that of the 50-odd governors in this country at least one, if not
several, would be black. As to the top executive policy-makers of the
Federal Government, such as Secretaries of State, one would have hoped
that at this time and moment in American history this great country, a
champion of peace and freedom, would have boasted of having several
black faces in that group of policy-makers. But none of these hopes
have materialized. Why? This is a challenge that I would like to leave
with the American people. It is a challenge whose concern has been
beyond United States boundaries since the United States became a
super-Power. Hence my mentioning it here.

132. While I leave the entire American community with this challenge,
I should like to mention specifically that the black Americans
themselves are to blame in a way because of the many reported
divisions in their own communities. These divisions should certainly
become unnecessary in the face of continued and perpetual subjugation
of their own lot by their fellow citizens. For our part in Uganda, we
have done our best to champion the cause of the black Americans. In
the context of the OAU, we have for the last several years now
advocated their identification with the continent of their origin in
the same way as the other races in this continent take pride in their
ancestral home lands.

133. The international community has committed itself to intensify
action in promoting equal rights, opportunities and responsibilities
of men and women, to ensure the full integration of women in the total
development effort and to involve women widely in international
co-operation and in the strengthening of world peace through the
proclamation of this year, 1975, as International Women's Year
[resolution 30/0 (XXVII)]. I am glad to say that as far as Uganda is
concerned, under my Government we have already guaranteed, in
principle and practice, equality between men and women.

Both sexes have equal opportunities and responsibilities to enable
them to develop their particular talents and capabilities in the
service of Uganda and the rest of the international community. Ugandan
women have, like their male counterparts, full opportunities to make
maximum contributions in every field and are playing their roles fully
and effectively at all levels of decision-making, planning and
implementation of all policies, programmes and projects. Our women
have been fully integrated. They receive their full share of the
benefits of development. In this connection I wish to mention that
there are Ugandan women at all levels of administration, including, at
the top, Permanent Secretaries; there are Ugandan women professors; a
Ugandan woman ambassador; doctors; lawyers; business women, and women
in all areas of our total endeavour.

134. Our faith in fundamental human rights and in the dignity and
worth of the human being is so strong that we have extended it to all
spheres of our endeavours, including the prison services. Our view of
prisoners is not to inflict punitive punishment on them but to reform
and rehabilitate them so as to enable them to become useful and
responsible members of society who make maximum contributions to the
economic and social development of our country. Prisoners in Uganda
are therefore trained in such fields as crop and animal husbandry,
where our prison industries are some of the best farming institutions
in the country. They are also trained in such other skills as
furniture-making, shoe making, tailoring, blacksmithery, metal
working, handicrafts and many other industrial skills. The results we
are obtaining are very good indeed in that the majority of our
prisoners complete their sentences fully reformed and use the skills
attained in prisons in their future lives.

135. We in Uganda believe that the best and most practical and lasting
form of international co-operation is in trade. It is for this reason
that I wish to remind representatives, and through them the countries
they represent, that Uganda produces some of the world's best coffee,
cotton, tea, tobacco, copper and many other forms of trade
commodities, which are available for the international community to
buy. I express the hope that, under the proposed new world economic
order, Uganda, like other developingcountries, will receive fair
prices for its raw materials, which constitute the major part of its
exports.

136. Uganda, which is in the very heart of Africa, astride the
Equator, is renowned as one of the world's tourist paradises. The
fabulous beauty of the country­ side, with its rich colours; the
graciousness of its traditionally friendly, courteous and hospitable
people; the mighty Kabalega Falls; the snow-capped, fantastic
Mountains of the Moon, carrying permanent glaciers; the source of the
immortal River Nile; the unsurpassable magnificence of the equatorial
forests; the many lakes and the unequalled scenic beauty; the rolling
and terraced hills; the extraordinary concentrations of wild life in
its national parks and game reserves, including the rare, huge but
extremely shy gorillas, the precious white rhinoceros, the lordly
lion, zebras, leopards, cheetahs, herds of elephants, buffaloes,
hippopotamuses, huge crocodiles, bewildering varieties of bird life;
the famous local dishes, including the Nile perch and the local brand
of gin-cum-vodka, unforgettable waragi; the elegance of Uganda's
traditional crafts; Uganda's rich traditional music, dances and
cultural activities; the glorious summer sunshine of the Equator and
the coolness of the mountain breezes; Kampala, the capital city,
standing on a series of closely-gathered, lush green hills-all these
tourist attractions, topped with a year-round congenial climate,
provide a visitor with the experience of a lifetime. All these
God-given fantastic natural treasures are available to the world
community as a whole. Ugandans welcome you and your fellow compatriots
to come and share them with us in the spirit of inter­national harmony
and co-operation.

137. Long live Africa. Long live the third world. Long live the United
Nations. For God and our country.

138. Mr. AMIN (Uganda): I am sure you have understood my speech in a
foreign language. I would like to summarize my speech very briefly in
the Ianguage of the British, the language of the former empire of
which I was formerly a member. I would like to thank all of you very
much for listening to my speech and I want to inform you, on behalf of
the 46 independent African Member States, that we in Africa are not
racists and we have no discrimination. We want to work completely with
the entire world community. We want to work together with people from
Europe, from Asia, from the Arab world and from the other parts of the
world such as the United States and Latin America. We consider you as
members of the world community. Therefore, nobody should tell you that
Africans are against the whites. No. It is the members of the racist
regime of South African apartheid who are the actual criminals, Who
are highway robbers, stealing the gold and diamonds of others.

139. I thought it was necessary for me, as Field Marshal Amin, to
speak to you in English so that you will understand me very well. I
would like to advise the whole world community, the United Nations
Members here, that it is not true that the people of Angola are
against the Portuguese. The peoples of Africa are against the white
regimes in Rhodesia and South Africa. But the people of Africa are a
majority in that part of the world, and therefore it is not advisable
for the Portuguese people to leave. Before I left Uganda to come
directly here I talked with the Portuguese Government, which is now in
discussions with the nine-member Conciliation Commission in Kampala.
The Portuguese can stay when Angola gets its independence. They want
the technicians, they want the doctors, they want the engineers for
building roads, they want the electricians, they want the teachers to
educate them. Now, if the whole Portuguese community or the white
community runs away, who will build that particular new, independent
country?

140. Nobody should deceive you on this. If you will read my speech,
which has been read to you by my Permanent Representative to the
United Nations, you will see there the pictures: Britons in the
various departments of the armed forces, being recruited, taking
oaths. Of all the countries in black Africa, Uganda is the first to
have even supersonic women pilots and a women's squadron.

141. I just wanted briefly to tell you, therefore, that even the
racist regimes in the southern part of Africa should not run away.
They should not fear that if we liberate southern Africa we might kill
all of them or throw them into the sea. No, because the people of
southern Africa want people who can work together with them, but they
are the majority there and they want to control the country. They want
to be the masters of their own country. Therefore, the Europeans who
are there will be advisers to them. Even I myself have Italian
advisers in the President's Office. I have British advisers. I have
Germans; I have Americans; I have people from all over the world-from
Asia, the Arab countries, Latin America-who are working with me.

142. It is very important that you, the representatives, tell your
countrymen, and I want you to tell them and I shall myself also be
touring many parts of .the world. I want to see that many people are
recruited, as has already been mentioned by my representative. I want
to get the newly independent African countries doctors, engineers,
teachers, electricians, mining engineers and so forth to help in
developing those countries. We have so many rich natural resources. We
have gold, and many do not have it.

143. Today Europe, and especially the United States of America and the
Soviet Union, have the means to find minerals in the land by
satellite. But in Africa we do not have the money to do that. We want
assistance. Therefore, all the countries that have these means of
finding minerals must assist Africa. I am speaking to you on behalf of
all the States members Of the OAU and not only Uganda.

144. You should not listen to any rumours. If you want to know exactly
what is going on in any African country, go to see for yourself. Some
people might be talking, bringing some misunderstandings, even
rumours, that for instance, the relations between Somalia and Ethiopia
are very bad. They are not bad at all. They are very good-excellent.
People are enjoying themselves. I wanted to tell you this.

145. And also, if you wish to hear anything about Africa, the office
of the OAU in Addis Ababa is open to you. We have a Secretary-General;
we have myself as Chairman, and my office is open 24 hours a day. You
can get any information you want to have. But you should not listen to
any rumours. African problems will be solved by Africa. This is very
important. We have also gone deeply into uniting the Africans and the
Arabs, and this will be happening very soon now.

146. In just a few words, do not fear Africa; be very friendly to
Africa; when you come to Africa, you must know that you are coming to
talk with people who also have brains and who can be very friendly to
you. In Africa today the people are aware and capable of doing
anything that any human being in this world can do.

147. With those few points, I thank you very much, ladies and gentlemen.

148. The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): On behalf of the
General Assembly, I wish to thank His Excellency the President of the
Republic of Uganda for the statement he has just made and the
statement he communicated to the General Assembly. We are aware of the
importance of both.

Source: United Nations
------------

Original article here:
www.politicsweb.co.za/documents/idi-amins-address-to-the-un-general-assembly


--
Hussein Lumumba Amin
Kampala, Uganda

--
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