{UAH} But why Banyankole and not Karamojong!!!

But why Banyankole and not Karamojong!!!

BUT WHY BANYANKOLE AND NOT KARAMAJONG!!!!

CHANGE OF GUARDS - The issue of Banyankole has dominated Uganda's social, economic and political stage for three decades now without fading.  Its origin can be traced from the new political order that was established in 1986 under Museveni.  Initially it was referred to as Banyarwanda but when the RPF left for Rwanda, it became a question of Westerners.  It has now been narrowed down to the Banyankole and is threatening to reach its boiling point.  From the historical domination of the security forces and government departments/agencies to control of the economy, some Ugandans have continued to raise questions without getting answers save for accusations of promoting sectarianism.  The new trend of complaints is focused on violent crime that is also taking a tribal route.  But do the majority of Ugandans understand who are these Banyankole?  Ugandans from West Nile, Northern and Eastern regions identify Banyankole as light skinned people from Western Uganda.  They derogatorily pronounce them as Nyankole while the Baganda call them Banyankole or derogatorily, Basheshe.

Almost three years ago, following the Akena shooting saga by Kanyamunyu, we analysed Banyankole issue as below: 

Thursday, 8 December 2016

at 11:21

INSIGHT INTO THE 'BANYANKOLE' ISSUE

Ever since Museveni took over power there has been talk of his Banyankole ethnic group dominating government and its accompanying economic benefits.  Initially it was talk about westerners' domination but of recent it has been zoomed and focused on particularly the

Banyankole.  The magnitude of the problem was clearly manifested in the Akena shooting when the matter took ethnic dimensions. It is worth noting that even the Newspaper that ran a headline; MUNYANKOLE TYCOON SHOOTS DEAD AN ACHOLI was not reprimanded.  Because of the growing animosity towards the Banyankole, the incident that followed whereby the bodyguard of Maj. Juma Seiko shot dead two people did not attract much public attention the same way the Akena one was treated.

The Banyankole is an ethnic group in western Uganda that occupy a vast area that stretches from Kazinga Channel at the border with Kasese downwards to the border with Tanzania and Rwanda. This is the area for the former Ankole Kingdom that was comprised of the counties of Bunyaruguru, Igara, Buhweju, Shema, Ibanda, Kashari, Nyabushozi,

Rwampara, Ruhaama, Rushenyi, and Isingiro. It is these counties that have evolved into the current districts of Rubirizi, Bushenyi, Mitooma, Buhweju, Ntungamo, Mbarara, Isingiro and Kiruhura.  The Banyankole are comprised of the Bahima cattle keepers and the Biru cultivators. The majority Biru who are about 75% have remained in their traditional strongholds within Ankole with the nucleus in Bushenyi. On their part, the Bahima have strayed from their stronghold in Nyabushozi and the patches in Ntungamo, Kashari and Ibanda and strayed into areas of Sembabule, Mubende, Rakai, Kiboga and Luweero in Buganda and parts of Bunyoro and even crossed the Nile in search of pasture.

During the kingdom era, the institution was owned by the Bahima and their Bahinda clan. The majority Biru were treated as a socially inferior class and dominated by the superior Bahima. As the term suggests, Biru were some kind of slaves with slavery roles in the kingdom. Intermarriage was and still is considered a social disgrace by the Bahima and if at all it ever takes place, it is treated as socially invalid. To maintain their military superiority and avert rebellion, the Biru were restricted from enlisting into the Kingdom's army.  It is only during attacks from the neighboring Kingdom of Rwanda that at a local level local chiefs would enlist the services of Biru into the army. With the advent of colonialism and modern religion, the Bahima exclusively embraced the Anglican faith while the Biru embraced both Catholic and Anglican faiths with a small number converting to the Islamic faith. Ankole absorbed quite a number of Rwandese immigrants during the last century who mainly got assimilated with their cousins, the Bahima.

It is alleged that the Ankole Kingdom administration would deny bursaries to the Biru and Catholics but they benefitted from the free education provided by the Catholic church. During the struggle for independence, both the Biru and Bahima predominantly embraced the Uganda Peoples' Congress (UPC). When Kingdoms were abolished in 1966, the Biru embraced modern farming and higher education while the Bahima got stuck in nomadism. When Obote was overthrown by Iddi Amin in 1971, a number of Biru politicians embraced the struggle against the Iddi Amin regime.  That is why upon return from exile in 1980, former President Obote landed in the Bairu stronghold of Bushenyi and the venue became the venue for the National Heroes Day. As Minister of Defence of the post Amin, UNLF government, Museveni had a hard time in

establishing his personal army owing to the discouragement of Biru young men from joining him by prominent UPC Biru politicians like Chris Rwakasisi and Rurangaranga.

When Museveni contested for the presidency in 1980 under his UPM, he suffered a terrible defeat by DP even his own Bahima rejected him in preference for DP's Sam Kutesa for the parliamentary seat. The so called Obote army, UNLA had a sizable number of Biru soldiers at the time Museveni took to the bush in 1981.  Museveni took with him a number of Biru soldiers and politicians.  The likes of Otafiire, Mushega, Sam Katabarwa, Kategaya, Muntu, Fred Bamwesigye, Chihandae, Aine, Kanyankole, and many others participated in his bush war.

However, on top of being discriminated, Museveni, like has been the case with the Ankole Kingdom, systematically curtailed Biru domination and influence. Because of the western front, by the time he captured power in January 1986, the number of Biru in the NRA by far exceeded that of the Bahima in the lower echelons.  This swell in strength of the Biru was the cause of problems for Brig. Tadeo Kanyankole.  Soon after, the purge of Biru senior officers saw the like of Brig. Bamwesigye, Gen. Maruru, Col. Kashilingi, Col. Besigye, Col. Chihandae, Col. Aine fall victim. The two top commanders who persisted, Gen. Muntu and Gen. Ivan Koreta were also to have their dose much later.

Also, upon taking over power in 1986 a number of Biru politicians were incorporated into the political wing and the intelligence services.  Several have since time in memorial dominated the positions of District Commissioners, cabinet and parastatal heads.  A good number of them have sustained the mid cadre army command positions and intelligence services (CMI and ISO). However, there are some no go areas for the Biru i.e. State House and the elite SFC.  Among the top torturers at CMI that is headed by another top Mwiru officer, Brig. Charles Bakahumura, are Biru officers like Col. Mwesigwa, Capt. Joseph Kamusiime, Caleb Kamugisha, Eriphaz Katenesi, Byamukama and a few others.

Museveni refused to reinstate the Ankole Kingdom for fear that his being a commoner would lose influence among the Bahima but also to appease the politically strategic majority Biru. Among the Biru prominent politicians and eminent people associated with Museveni are Kategaya,

Kanyomozi, Bonny Katatumba, Col. Shaban Batariza, Prof. Baryamureba, Kamuntu, Mushega, Otafiire, Basajjabalaba, Rurangaranga, Tiberondwa, Rwakasisi, Matembe, Rukutana, Bitature, Guma Gumisiriza, Bart Katurebe, Kabwegyere, Karoro, Okurut and a few others.

Despite his appeasement policy, the divisions between Biru and Bahima keep deepening.  The Biru who settled into Bahima strongholds in Nyabushozi, Kashari, Ntungamo and Ibanda still face the old discriminatory treatment from their hosts. Much as they voluntarily help the Bahima with domestic chores for pay, grow crops that they sell to the Bahima and carry out trade in commercial centres, they are still treated as a socially inferior lot.  It is worse during general elections where the Biru in predominantly Hima territories tend to be supporting the opposition and they are brutally disfranchised. During the last election campaigns, they were caught on camera lamenting to the opposition thus "...... Immediately you leave, they are going to resume beating us". The situation is further confusing whereby a significant number of police commanders that are brutally defending the regime are Biru officers.

Just yesterday, the former DPC of Old Kampala, Joram Mwesigye who is undergoing a sham trial for brutally breaking the spine of a Journalist, told court thus: ".... others turned it tribal, with some people attacking me for being a Munyankole and that we take ourselves to be a superior tribe". He went ahead to lament that despite his distinguished service to the nation 'they' had paid him through turning against him and prosecuting him.  Asuman Mugyenyi who led the recent massacre of more that 100 Bakonjo people in Kasese is a Mwiru from Shema.

Of recent Museveni is trying to counter balance the number of Biru in the police by bringing in Bahima and Tutsi from Kisoro.

Like other Ugandans, many majority Biru and the minority Bahima have suffered Museveni's mismanagement. A few elite Biru and Bahima have sustained the regime though Museveni tends to align more with the later. A number of Biru have directly borne the brunt of the regime for their support for the opposition.  Museveni has tended to align more with the Bahororo from Kebisoni and Buyanja in Rukungiri, most recent the Bafumbira courtesy of Gen. Kayihura and until recently some Bakiga from Kabale.  The current resurgence of Bafumbira is brewing friction with the Bahima over positions in the regime.

In April 2012, while addressing a regional symposium in Kampala, Museveni dismissed talk of an inherent conflict between Biru and Bahima in Ankole and the existence of a conspiracy for the creation of a Tutsi/Hima empire. For a Muhima, anyone who is not a Muhima, Tutsi, Musongora or Mutuku, is a Mwiru. This is what the rest of the country view collectively as

the Banyankole. Therefore, the biggest concentration of political power by Museveni has been around his family, friends, in-laws and a few associates.

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From the aforegoing, it can be authoritatively argued that the issue is not Banyankole but the armed oppressors who are bent on brutally suppressing the helpless oppressed.  Admittedly, though by design most of them come from Ankole region.  In the same regard, it won't be surprising to learn that the Banyankole are among the top victims of the armed oppressor. 

Therefore, its the chief oppressor who is playing mind games on Ugandans so that they shift the blame to the Banyankole as an ethnic entity.

INFORMATION IS POWER AND THE PROBLEM OF UGANDA IS MUSEVENISM

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"When a man is stung by a bee, he doesn't set off to destroy all beehives"

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