{UAH} THE SHADOW STATE IN UGANDA: AT MUSEVENI' S SERVICE

Lisa Rose 

1. Introduction: The Shadow State in Uganda

Economic and political power in Uganda is mediated through a network of individuals, most of whom  are closely linked to President Yoweri Museveni and his family. These linkages include blood, marriage, 

kinship and the shared experience of those who served in the liberation struggle, known as the Bush War. Museveni's political regime, which rules Uganda through the National Resistance Movement 

(NRM) government, rests on two main pillars: Military officers and an extended quasi-royal family. 

This system has evolved over three decades but is becoming increasingly fluid, perhaps unstable, as generational change impacts the regime. This includes the departure (through death or retirement) 

of figures previously central to the growth and evolution of the system. 

The Ugandan shadow state network is largely curated by the first family, which derives its power from the president. The image of a monarchy, with a strong military influence, has been used to describe the near absolute control over the state and vital sectors of the economy held by Museveni and his extended family. This also applies to ambitions for dynastic renewal through Museveni's son, Muhoozi 

Kainerugaba – even though the incumbent monarch himself seems the least enthusiastic proponent of such as he appears rather indifferent to who rules after his intended life presidency.

This report describes the principal modalities underlying and shaping the Ugandan shadow state. Due to a still weak private sector in the country, control over and access to state resources are the key sources of wealth and power. Many shadow state actors occupy formal positions in government or 

the Ugandan state bureaucracy. 

Their powers and influence, however, often significantly exceed what would be expected from the official mandates of their positions. 

The sustenance of this vast patronage state and security sector requires prohibitive amounts of money. Museveni is not by nature a kleptocrat but he does facilitate opportunities for family members and other close associates to build up their wealth, often through corrupt practices. Generally, shadow state actors in the Museveni system are granted the freedom to pursue economic, political and social 

interests for their own benefit. 

They are permitted to do this provided that these pursuits directly or indirectly benefit the perpetuation of the NRM system. 

Where there are political or financial kickbacks that benefit the system, Museveni tolerates large-scale corruption and other illicit economic activities. The precise terms and conditions of the transactional relationships between members of the shadow state and core actors in the regime mostly remain 

opaque. It is apparent, however, that non-core shadow state actors are obliged to raise campaign funds, rally political support through patronage or leverage traditional charismatic or bureaucratic authority and participate in meting out punishment on critics. 

In ethnic terms, thecomposition of the shadow state is extremely narrow, particularly at the top, 

where it is almost exclusively limited to Museveni's fellow Banyankole, especially from his Bahima sub-clan. It is more ethnically diverse at the level of political fixers, bringing on board diverse

constituencies. The reach and competency of shadow state actors vastly differs, even if linked to the first family through blood, marriage, kinship or shared biographies. Some actors are groomed by the 

system; others are co-opted if useful or posing a potential threat. 

Political fixers—politicians, business (wo)men, religious and cultural leaders, and military officers —

link the shadow state core to grassroots constituencies through clientelist networks and serve to identify political opportunities and threats. Civil servants facilitate the shadow state in many ways. 

Some directly serve the president or the system, while others primarily facilitate private interests of 

shadow state actors, who in turn have obligations to the system. With the exception of military officers, the competence of most actors is delineated within particular sectors or defined by specific 

tasks, by merit of their position in the state, society or economy, or their personal skills and 

proficiencies. The number of actors with national level authority is relatively small but this is underpinned by a wide network of sub-regional actors with limited reach.

The network of political 

fixers, business brokers and bureaucratic facilitators is much more fluid than the shadow state core, 

the president and his close family.

An ever-distrustful Museveni skilfully plays ambitious cadres and vested interests against one another to contain and control their influence and prevent the emergence of alternative centres of power. 

Trusted cadres, young and old, are empowered by the president and once they threaten to become 

too powerful or ambitious in their own right, or have outlived their immediate usefulness, are 

eliminated—albeit often only temporarily. Ultimately, all shadow state actors are expendable and 

Museveni frequently cuts shadow state actors loose, depriving them of access to economic, social and 

political resources. A small number of figures, including his younger half-brother, retired General Salim Saleh, wield enough power to critically destabilize the system or put up resistance if the president chose to sanction them.

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