{UAH} HOW ABOUT THE DEATH OF FRANK KALIMUZO !!!!!!

The Death of Frank Kalimuzo, A University Vice Chancellor

The vice chancellor of Makerere University, Frank Kalimuzo, was a close friend of Amin, was kidnapped and disappeared. There is a direct connection between what happened to Kalimuzo and what happened to Nekemia Bananuka. Explaining what happened to her husband, Esther Kalimuzo told the Daily Monitor newspaper on 6 Oct., 2005 of this sequence of events:

 

“He had had a friendly relationship with Amin but the coup really worried him. He sought an appointment with Amin but was never granted one, which led friends to warn him to be very careful. Later the same year, Amin came to the university to be installed as Chancellor and even had a meal in our house. There was no obvious sign of danger.” The problems began close to the invasion of September 1972.

Frank told me he was receiving anonymous letters threatening him with death. State Research Bureau people came and told him that ‘You are number two to Ben Kiwanuka, on the list’ [of those to be killed]. Friends advised him to flee into exile, but he kept saying ‘I have done nothing to Amin.’ During that September, just before the invasion, unknown people surrounded our Makerere house at night then rang the bell. We refused to open. They went away. The following day, Frank contacted people in security and reported the incident. He was told: ‘we are the ones who sent them. It was a mistake not to have opened for them.’”

 

“My husband was immediately arrested and taken to Makindye, where he spent a day being questioned about bad relations he was alleged to have with some university students. He met “the students.” They could name neither their academic courses nor their halls of residence. He was told there was no case and he was released the same day. The next day, we went to [the southwestern town of] Kisoro…While we were there, the invasion happened in Mbarara and Masaka. After the invasion was defeated, we decided to return directly via Mbarara and Masaka in a civilian convoy with an army officer friend at the front.

 

The following day, Radio Uganda, UTV and then BBC announced that ‘Vice Chancellor Frank Kalimuzo had disappeared to Rwanda with [Basil] Bataringaya and [Nekemia] Bananuka.’ We had already learnt that those two had been murdered by Amin. Frank was shocked to listen to the media saying he had ‘disappeared’ with them!”

 

Since, as we have already seen, Bananuka was murdered along with others in Ankole on orders of FRONASA leaders, the fact that Kalimuzo’s name was given as having disappeared together with Bataringaya and Bananuka to Rwanda, when they were in fact already dead, suggests that Museveni’s FRONASA might have had a hand in Kalimuzo’s murder too.

 

Explaining Kalimuzo’s disappearance, the government said he had disappeared “after being arrested by men masquerading as security officers.” That is indeed what happened. Had the State Research Bureau felt that Kalimuzo was cooperating with the guerrillas, then there wouldn’t be need to send him anonymous letters threatening him with death. They would have come and arrested him in their official capacity as a state security agency. A pattern that ran through Museveni’s guerrilla activities and method of work was the idea of anonymous letters, as we have already seen earlier in this write-up. Another prominent death was Amin’s former aide de camp and later army chief of staff, Lt. Colonel Valentine Ochima, who was killed in Oct. 1972. He had been released from prison by Amin on 2 Jan., 1972 along with 12 other soldiers. They were involved in a coup plot against Amin and imprisoned in Makindye military police barracks. FRONASA falsely claimed that Ochima was taken to the Makindye barracks and murdered there. Also killed that month in the same barracks was Joseph N. Mubiru, the former governor of Bank of Uganda, the country’s central bank. On 16 Nov., 1972, the former UPC secretary general John Kakonge was abducted and disappeared, with later reports saying his testicles had been cut off and stuffed into his mouth.

The murder of Kakonge is one that should be examined.

 

The charismatic Kakonge, who came from western Uganda, presented more a real threat to Museveni’s ambitions to one day, be president of Uganda than he did to Obote. When Museveni took power in 1986, some military officers in Museveni’s army told the Kakonge family that Kakonge’s death had been orchestrated by Obote. How so? They claimed that Obote had written letters purportedly to Kakonge but in such a manner and placed in such a location as to make sure that Amin’s security agents would get to see them and end up arresting and killing Kakonge. Because the regimes of Amin and Obote were consistently discredited, it is easy to believe these kinds of reports at face value. But the truth is so different. To begin with, it had been claimed by FRONASA in its 1970s propaganda campaign that Kakonge was murdered on orders of Amin. But, soon after Museveni assumed state power in 1986, his officers began to claim that Kakonge was murdered through a trick by Obote. That contradictory set of explanations alone should have raised the suspicion of the Kakonge family.

 

With virtually no exception, all the prominent Ugandans who “disappeared”, presumed dead during the 1970s were the victims of FRONASA’s deadly guerrilla work. As part of their subversive activities against the Amin administration, FRONASA also used to compose letters purportedly written from Tanzania by the Obote aide, Lieutenant-Colonel Oyite Ojok, and listing Oyite Ojok’s postal address. Agents working for FRONASA used to distribute leaflets and pamphlets designed to spread a message of subversion against Amin using secret guerrilla cells. One of the FRONASA cells that Museveni used to achieve this was made up of Lieutenant Ahmed Seguya and Musa Hussein Njuki.

 

These men operated a cyclostyle machine which they used to reproduce these documents. Oyite-Ojok’s address was given in these letters as “c/o Bhoka Munanka, State House, Dar es Salaam.” It is fairly well-known that there was one Ugandan exile who frequented the official residence of Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere and that was Yoweri Museveni. Obote also was in touch with and maintained a close relationship with Nyerere. But it did not reach the extent of somehow using State House Dar es Salaam as a personal postal contact.

Certainly Oyite-Ojok would have had less access at State House than Obote. This rules out or brings into question the claim that either Obote or Oyite-Ojok was the authors of those letters.

In Sowing the Mustard Seed, Museveni inadvertently exonerates Oyite- Ojok and incriminates himself in the matter of those mysterious letters, when he writes:

 

“Ojok himself was quite a courageous individual. The problem with African leaders, including soldiers, is not a matter of personality but arises from their view of the world and of politics. Although Ojok had some good personal attributes, his way of thinking was very different from ours.” (Page 50) For Museveni, who rarely concedes positive attributes in people other than himself — and especially in someone like Oyite-Ojok who was very close to Obote and a long-standing rival of Museveni — this admission of courage and “good personal attributes” on the part of Oyite-Ojok positively comments on what must have been a very good and decent man in Oyite-Ojok, hardly the kind of person to mail letters to prominent Ugandans in order to get them arrested or killed by Amin.

 

These letters were addressed to select prominent Ugandans and “leaked” to the state security agency, the State Research Bureau, in order to lead to the arrest and, if possible, murder of the person in question. Museveni had several calculations by this deadly covert action. Obote’s Kikoosi Maluum armed faction was, as noted already, the main rival of FRONASA. If these subversive letters were written purportedly in the names of Obote and Oyite Ojok, not only would they endanger the lives of the targeted prominent Ugandans; if that truth were ever found out, it would create a deep hatred and resentment for Obote and Oyite Ojok in Uganda.

 

On 2 Jan., 1972, The People quoted President Amin as commenting on these subversive letters being distributed in Uganda from Tanzania: “The President, however, disclosed that a number of army officers have been receiving what he described as ‘dirty correspondence’ from Ojok who was a former Lt. Colonel in the Uganda Army and who is now in Tanzania. The President regretted the fact that among those officers, who had been in contact with Ojok, was Lt. Colonel. S. Kakuhikire who worked in the President’s Research Office. He received a letter dated 4th December, but never bothered to inform the President about it.” (Page 1)

 

Amin had now found out that one of his senior officers, Lieutenant- Colonel Sarapio Kakuhikire had been receiving these letters allegedly from Oyite-Ojok. Kakuhikire did not deny it and Amin expressed his disappointment at this silence on the part of Kakuhikire. Did Amin, the world-famous tyrant drag Kakuhikire off to his death? No. Kakuhikire probably did not think much of the letter he received and knowing that he was not involved in any conspiracy against Amin, let matters be. In 1977, Museveni is believed to have ordered his FRONASA men to look for Kakuhikire. He was kidnapped right in front of the main Post Office buildings in downtown Kampala by Museveni’s friends inside the State Research Bureau and to date he has never been seen again. As usual, the blame was put on Amin. Sincerely why would Amin murder this officer trained at the Royal Academy in Sandhurt unless Amin was intimidated or envious of his better training?

 

He should have chosen to do that toward the end of his rule rather than purge him immediately after Kakuhikire’s possession of the alleged Oyite-Ojok letter came to Amin’s attention in late 1971. FRONASA had a problem because no matter how much they tried to implicate prominent Ugandans in “plots” to overthrow the government so that Amin killed them, he would not do that. When their scheme failed, they decided to murder these people themselves. Amin would ordinarily have had these people arrested and then brought to court, whether a civilian court or military tribunal, whether a genuine or a mock trial, but it would have been in his interest to make the public (which still supported him) believe that he was pursuing the course of justice. That did not happen.

 

FRONASA turned to abducting prominent Ugandans and making them “disappear”, since they had failed to get them arrested by Amin.

EM         -> {   Gap   at   46  } – {Allan Barigye is a Rwandan predator}

On the 49^th Parallel          

                 Thé Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja and Dr. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda is in anarchy"
                    Kuungana Mulindwa Mawasiliano Kikundi
"Pamoja na Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja na Dk. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda ni katika machafuko"