{UAH} WE ARE GOING BACK TO USAID TO LOOK AT WHAT WAS AUTHORISED AND WHAT IT SPENT TO INTERFERE WITH THE INDIAN ELECTION

USAID spent more than it was obliged to in pre-election years in India from 2008: Data

18h 

President Trump might still be harrumphing about the $21 million that he insists went out from the controversial USAID for voter turnouts ahead of the 2024 elections in India. This despite India's Ministry of Finance rubbishing his claims. But as that battle continues to rage, another unusual pattern has emerged.

This surrounds the USAID's financial obligations and actual disbursements data a year ahead of general elections in India for more than fifteen years harking back to the 2009 Lok Sabha elections.

Data sourced from ForeignAssistance.gov, the central resource for budgetary and financial data produced by US government agencies managing foreign assistance portfolios, shows that at least in the past four instances of the 2024, 2019, 2014 and 2009 election years, disbursements from USAID were higher than obligations in each of the preceding years.

In other words, the years ahead of 2024, 2019, 2014 and 2009 general election, i.e., 2023, 2018, 2013 and 2008 saw higher amounts being spent by USAID than was originally allocated.

If 2023 saw over $48 million higher disbursements than obligations, 2018 had a higher spending of $13 million. Likewise, 2013 saw almost $27 million higher disbursements than initially sanctioned, while 2008 saw the release of $11 million in additional funding.

USAID spent more than it was obliged to in pre-election years in India from 2008: Data

Interestingly, the trend holds true even if you consider funding from all other US government agencies.

For instance, 2023 saw $50 million higher disbursements than obligations, 2018 had a higher spending of $30 million. Likewise, 2013 saw $22 million higher disbursements than initial sanctions. All these sums are inclusive of USAID funding.

2008 - or the year preceding the 2009 general election - was an exception, when obligations and disbursements remained the same at $140 million. However, the outlays were higher two years before the election, i.e, 2007 by $20 million.

Cost overruns, delays in fund releases or even undershooting of actual financial assistance isn't uncommon, be it in private or government projects. While the difference in initial estimates and actual disbursements ahead of election years isn't indicative of any foul play, the steady pattern does raise an eyebrow amid the ongoing row over USAID funding.

As for the rest of the years, disbursements by all the US agencies often fell short of obligated outlays. Post-pandemic years, however, were an exception with disbursements steadily remaining higher than obligations.

If in 2022, the difference in obligations and disbursements stood at $100 million, in 2023, it was $50 million, while in 2024, it stood at $20 million.

In all, if the financial assistance during the three years was originally envisaged at $440 million, disbursements were higher at $610 million, or $170 million higher than initial outlays. During each year, categories comprising health and population saw higher outgo than originally planned.

This was a significant departure from the pandemic year of 2021, when disbursements drastically fell short of obligations. If the total US financial aid was pegged at $320 million - the highest in at least over two decades, the actual disbursements stood less than half at $110 million. Health and population category suffered the biggest cut from $250 million to $61 million.

Barring 2017, 2011 and 2006, disbursements have been lower than original outlays during the rest of the years.

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