{UAH} Professor Amii Omara-Otunnu writings might need some recasting

I have read his book titled "Politics and the Military in Uganda 1890-1985" published in 1987; his article titled "The Struggle for Democracy in Uganda" published in The Journal of Modern African Studies of 1992; and his article on Uganda published in the Oxford Companion to Politics of the World of 1993.

There is useful information in these publications. Since the latest was published in 1993, we wonder whether Professor Omara-Otunnu has revisited these works and made some adjustments. We find for example that what he wrote about democracy is not what happened at the inauguration in December 2013 of the Freedom and Unity Front (FUF) organization.

In his article on the Struggle for Democracy in Uganda Omara-Otunnu wrote "For democracy to function, it must be anchored in respect for the intrinsic worth and dignity of every man, woman, and child, not least because the integrity, even the survival of society is in jeopardy without the participation of as many members as possible". There are two questions here. Why was the conference limited to a few hand-picked participants? Why was the dignity and worth of Ms. Monique Wyatt violated at the conference? With these developments at the conference does Omara-Otunnu intend to modify what he wrote?

Professor Omara-Otunnu wrote "The termination of the UPC-KY alliance after 1964 led to a bloody military confrontation between the Kabaka's forces and those of Obote in 1966…"). It would be useful if Omara-Otunnu could tell us how Kabaka managed to mobilize such a force that fought Uganda troops for about twelve hours.

In his book Professor Omara-Otunnu appears to have made some sweeping statements especially regarding Bantu and non-Bantu populations in Uganda and within Bantu themselves. The impression given is that all the people in southern Uganda are Bantu. They may be Bantu-speaking but they are not ethnically the same.  He also calls Banyankole Museveni's ethnic group. These elements need to be explained because this is not how some of us who come from that area understand them.

Regarding the distribution of posts in the National Resistance Council and Cabinet an explanation is called for. Regarding the Council, he writes "… more than 90 percent composed of Bantu-speakers, with about 50 percent of the membership from Ankole". Can Omara-Otunnu give us the figures for Baganda, Bakiga, Batoro and Banyoro who are Bantu people?

Regarding the cabinet, Omara-Otunnu wrote "For example, a breakdown of the Cabinet shows the ministerial posts allocated as follows: 77 percent Bantu … Baganda and Banyankole together constitute around 60 percent of the Cabinet". It would be helpful to give figures for Bakiga, Batoro and Banyoro who are also Bantu people?

The point being made here is that such generalizations tell an incomplete story and distorts reality, making readers feel that all Bantu from southern Uganda have reaped huge benefits since Museveni came to power. A detailed breakdown which we request Omara-Otunnu to provide might show that non-Bantu people who constitute a very small percentage in southern Uganda have benefited disproportionately.

Finally who are Banyankole? Does Omara-Otunnu see them as a nation? If so what criteria does he use? We look forward to his response at his early convenience.

Eric